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Fieldwork Report: An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Transport (HVT) Corridors and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking


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This report outlines the findings of the primary research phase of the project: An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Traffic (HVT) Corridors, and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking. National and regional stakeholders were invited to review the preliminary findings, including the interpretation of data and implications for policy and practice. Their perspectives are represented in this report. Topics that would benefit from further research are outlined.


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MonthYearContractref:CrownAgentsref:An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Transport (HVT) Corridors and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking Fieldwork Report November 2021 HVT035 – Cardno Emerging Markets (UK) Ltd This research was funded by UK aid through the Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office under the High Volume Transport (HVT) Applied Research Programme, managed by IMC Worldwide. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the UK government's official policies. Reference No. HVT035 Lead Organisation/Consultant Cardno Emerging Markets (UK) Ltd. Partner Organisation(s)/ Consultant(s) Transaid, North Star Alliance, Scriptoria Ltd. Title An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Transport (HVT) Corridors and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking Type of document Project Report Theme Policy Regulation Sub-theme Disability, Gender, Road Safety Author(s) Cathy Green, Kim van der Weijde, Jacob Odhiambo, Sam Clark, Neil Rettie, Eva Mwai, Japheth Kioko Lead contact Cathy Green Geographical Location(s) Uganda, Tanzania Abstract This report outlines the findings of the primary research phase of the project: An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Traffic (HVT) Corridors, and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking. National and regional stakeholders were invited to review the preliminary findings, including the interpretation of data and implications for policy and practice. Their perspectives are represented in this report. Topics that would benefit from further research are outlined. Keywords Human trafficking; high volume transport corridors; HVT; social inclusion; Tanzania; Uganda Funding Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office, UK Acknowledgements We are extremely grateful to the government, civil society, transport sector and private sector stakeholders who have shown such enthusiasm and support for this research. Particular thanks go to our research affiliates Mr Damon Wamara, Uganda Child Rights NGO Network and Mr Selemani Mbuyita, Senior Public Health Researcher, Tanzania who played a key role in facilitating ethical approval and supporting the research in many other ways. Our thanks also to all the survey respondents who gave up their precious time to contribute and to the survivors of human trafficking who bravely shared their stories and made important recommendations for policy and practice. Issue Status Author(s) Reviewed By Approved By Issue Date 1 Draft Cathy Green, Sam Clark, Kim van der Weijde, Neil Rettie 21/09/2021 2 Final Cathy Green, Sam Clark, Kim van der Weijde, Neil Rettie Rabi Thapa Dick Komakech 06/10/2021 3 Adjusted Final Cathy Green, Sam Clark, Kim van der Weijde, Neil Rettie Ellen Rogan, Dick Komakech Dick Komakech 01 /11/2021 i FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING CONTENTS Executive Summary vii 1. Introduction and background 1 1.1 General introduction 1 1.2 Background to research 2 2. Approach and methodology 3 2.1 Overview 3 2.2 Research objectives 3 2.3 Application of research 4 2.4 Research timeline and phases 4 2.5 Research methodology 5 2.6 Ethical considerations 11 2.7 Ethical approval 13 2.8 Selection and training of field researchers and supervisors 13 2.9 Testing of research instruments 14 2.10 Data collection 14 2.11 Data entry and cleaning 15 2.12 Statistical analysis and software 15 2.13 Qualitative analysis 15 3. Primary research findings 16 3.1 Introduction 16 3.2 Tanzania 16 3.3 Uganda 53 4. Discussion 94 4.1 Tanzania 94 4.2 Uganda 95 4.3 Tanzania and Uganda comparison 98 5. Implications for policy and practice 101 6. Ideas for further research 103 7. Conclusion 104 8. Next steps 104 APPENDICES Appendix A: Safeguarding plan 106 Appendix B: COVID-19 Mitigation plan 108 Appendix C: Training programme for field researchers 110 Appendix D: Lessons learned: Management of ethical approval 111 Appendix E: Summary of findings 113 Appendix F: Survivor case studies: Tanzania 118 Appendix G: Survivor case studies: Uganda 121 ii FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING TABLES Table 1: HVT research programme priority and domain 1 Table 2: Key research questions 3 Table 3: Research sites in Tanzania and Uganda 5 Table 4: Research sample for quantitative surveys 10 Table 5: Research sample for qualitative interviews 11 Table 6: Statistical analysis and tests 15 FIGURES Figure 1: Research timeline and phases 4 Figure 2: Location of research sites 5 Figure 3: Road connecting Musita to Busia along northern corridor 6 Figure 4: Malaba: connects Kampala to Nairobi along northern corridor 7 Figure 5: Tunduma: connects Dar es Salaam and Dodoma with Lusaka along central corridor 7 Figure 6: Arusha: connects Northern and Central Corridors and links Nairobi, Dodoma and Mombasa 8 Figure 7: Cochran's sample size formula for larger populations 8 Figure 8: Community respondents by age and gender, Tanzania 16 Figure 9: Age and role of vehicle operators, Tanzania 17 Figure 10: Type of vehicle operated by location, Tanzania 17 Figure 11: Vehicle operators' employment type by location, Tanzania 18 Figure 12: Community members' knowledge of TIP by age, Tanzania 19 Figure 13: Vehicle operators' knowledge of TIP, Tanzania 19 Figure 14: Suspected cases of TIP seen by vehicle operators, Tanzania 20 Figure 15: No. of cases of TIP seen by vehicle operators, Tanzania 21 Figure 16: Vehicle operators' perspectives on TIP trends, Tanzania 22 Figure 17: Vehicle operators' views on impact of COVID-19 on no. of TIP victims, by age, Tanzania 23 Figure 18: Locations where TIP victims seen by community members, Tanzania 24 Figure 19: How vehicle operators recognise TIP victims, Tanzania 25 Figure 20: Community members' views on who is involved in organisation of TIP, Tanzania 27 Figure 21: Community members' views on type of vehicles using HVT corridor by location, Tanzania 28 Figure 22: Community members' views on driver involvement in TIP by location, Tanzania 29 Figure 23: Community members' views on drivers involved in TIP by gender, Tanzania 30 Figure 24: Vehicle operators' views on vehicles most likely involved in TIP, Tanzania 30 Figure 25: Vehicle operators' views on vehicles most likely to be involved in TIP by vehicle operated, Tanzania 31 Figure 26: Locations where vehicle operators approached by traffickers, Tanzania 32 Figure 27: Locations where vehicle operators approached by traffickers by research site, Tanzania 32 iii FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 28: Drivers' perception of risk when involved in TIP, Tanzania 33 Figure 29: Vehicle operators' views on whether drivers involved in TIP without knowledge of employer, Tanzania 35 Figure 30: Vehicle operators ever asked to transport a TIP victim, Tanzania 36 Figure 31: Community members' views on driver involvement in TIP in context of COVID-19, Tanzania 37 Figure 32: Vehicle operators' views on effect of COVID-19 on driver involvement in TIP, Tanzania 38 Figure 33: Vehicle operators' views on effect of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP by location, Tanzania 39 Figure 34: Frequency of vehicle checks by border officials by type of vehicle, Tanzania 40 Figure 35: Frequency of vehicle checks by border officials by distance driven, Tanzania 40 Figure 36: Vehicle operators' views on thoroughness of vehicle checks by border officials, Tanzania 41 Figure 37: Vehicle operators' views on how traffic police are involved in TIP by location, Tanzania 44 Figure 38: Vehicle operators' views on frequency of passenger ID checks by traffic police, Tanzania 45 Figure 39: Community recommendations on how to reduce driver involvement in TIP, Tanzania 47 Figure 40: Vehicle operators' views on how transport employers can help combat TIP, Tanzania 47 Figure 41: Vehicle operators' priority TIP training topics, Tanzania 48 Figure 42: Community respondents by age and gender, Uganda 53 Figure 43: Age and role of vehicle operators, Uganda 54 Figure 44: Type of vehicle operated by location, Uganda 54 Figure 45: Vehicle operators' employment type by location, Uganda 55 Figure 46: Community members' knowledge of TIP by age, Uganda 56 Figure 47: Knowledge of TIP among vehicle operators, Uganda 56 Figure 48: Suspected cases of TIP seen by vehicle operators, Uganda 58 Figure 49: Community perspectives on TIP trends, Uganda 59 Figure 50: Locations where TIP victims seen by community members, Uganda 60 Figure 51: Vehicle operators' views on TIP victim demographics by location, Uganda 61 Figure 52: Community members who had interacted with victim of TIP, Uganda 63 Figure 53: Community members' views on who is involved in organisation of TIP by location, Uganda 64 Figure 54: Community members' views on type of vehicles using HVT corridor by location, Uganda 65 Figure 55: Community members' views on drivers involved in TIP by location, Uganda 67 Figure 56: Vehicle operators' views on vehicles likely to be involved in TIP by location, Uganda 68 Figure 57: Locations where vehicle operators approached by traffickers by research site, Uganda 68 Figure 58: Vehicle operators' perspectives on whether drivers involved in TIP work independently, Uganda 70 Figure 59: Reason for vehicle operators' lack of willingness to transport victims of TIP, Uganda 72 Figure 60: Vehicle operators' views on effect of COVID-19 on driver involvement in TIP by location, Uganda 73 Figure 61: Vehicle operators' views on frequency of border vehicle checks by location, Uganda 74 Figure 62: Vehicle operators' views on frequency of border vehicle checks by vehicle type, Uganda 74 Figure 63: Vehicle operators' views on thoroughness of border vehicle checks by age, Uganda 75 iv FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 64: Vehicle operators' views on how border officials are involved in TIP, Uganda 76 Figure 65: Community views on how traffic police are involved in TIP by location, Uganda 81 Figure 66: Vehicle operators' views on how traffic police are involved in TIP by location, Uganda 82 Figure 67: Vehicle operators' views on thoroughness of vehicle checks by traffic police by age, Uganda 82 Figure 68: Community recommendations on how to reduce driver involvement in TIP, Uganda 87 Figure 69: Vehicle operators' views on how transport employers can help combat TIP, Uganda 87 Figure 70: Vehicle operators' priority TIP training topics by age, Uganda 88 v FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING ACRONYMS ATGWU Amalgamated Transport and General Workers' Union (Uganda) COSTECH Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology COVID-19 Coronavirus Disease 2019 CSO Civil Society Organisation DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo EAC East African Community ESOMAR European Society for Opinion and Marketing Research FCDO Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office GDPR General Data Protection Regulation HGV Heavy Goods Vehicle HVT High Volume Transport ID Identification IMC IMC Worldwide Ltd IRB Institutional Review Board MUREC Mildmay Uganda Research Ethics Committee NBS National Bureau of Statistics NGO Non-Governmental Organisation OSBP One Stop Border Post PMU Programme Management Unit PSEAH Preventing Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Harassment PSV Passenger Service Vehicle QA Quality Assurance RSRG Research Strategy Reference Group SPSS Statistical Package for Social Sciences SSA Sub-Saharan Africa TABOA Tanzania Bus Owners Association TATOA Tanzania Truck Owners Association vi FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING TIP Trafficking in Persons TSh Tanzania Shilling UAE United Arab Emirates UK United Kingdom UNCST Uganda National Council for Science and Technology USh Ugandan Shilling vii FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report presents the findings of the research project entitled "An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Transport (HVT) Corridors and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking". The research is funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) through the High Volume Transport (HVT) applied research programme (2017–2023), which is managed by IMC Worldwide Ltd (IMC). The research aims to broaden understanding of the relationship between human trafficking and long-distance transport corridors and cross-border posts in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), a topic on which little research has been carried out to date. The research, which focuses on Uganda and Tanzania, began in July 2020 and data collection took place over the period January to August 2021. The quantitative research component comprised 1,536 interviews with community members living along or in close proximity to HVT corridors and border posts and vehicle operators using these routes. In this report the term "vehicle operator" refers to drivers, conductors and so-called "turnboys" (i.e. driver's assistants) who operated commercial vehicles such as heavy goods vehicles (HGVs), buses, coaches, taxis (cars and motorcycles/tricycles) and minibuses. A qualitative research component comprised 42 in-depth interviews with survivors of human trafficking, civil society organisations (CSOs) working on human trafficking, border control officials and traffic police, and driver training schools and transport associations/unions. The main research implementation challenges were delays in obtaining ethical approval, and subsequent delays in obtaining permission to implement the research from various authorities in Tanzania. Despite these challenges, the research generated many interesting findings and offers some helpful and important insights for anti-trafficking policy and practice in the transport sector. In September 2021, the project's Research Strategy Reference Group (RSRG), which comprises key stakeholders from government, civil society and private sectors, was invited to review the preliminary findings of the research and feed into the discussions about implications for policy and practice. Their views are reflected in and integrated throughout this report. A summary of key findings and implications for policy and practice can be found below. Key Findings The research confirmed that the transport sector plays a key role in Trafficking in Persons (TIP) in Tanzania and Uganda and provides an important entry point for identifying victims of TIP. Tanzania • Knowledge of TIP: This was generally quite low among community members in Tanzania. Women knew less than men (almost 40% of women said that they did not know about TIP) – an important gender issue. Vehicle operators knew more about TIP than the wider community, which is understandable considering their presence along transport routes and at transport hubs where TIP is known to take place. However, there were important gaps in knowledge: half of the youngest age group of vehicle operators and a quarter of HGV drivers/operators did not know about TIP; • TIP trends: Just under half of community members did not know if TIP was increasing or decreasing, over half did not know if Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) had affected drivers' involvement in TIP and two thirds did not know what effect COVID-19 was having on the number of victims. In contrast, threequarters of vehicle operators said that the overall volume of TIP had either decreased or stayed the same during the pandemic; • TIP victims: A small percentage of community members (those who had seen a victim of TIP) commented on who the victims of TIP were. Only 14% of community respondents were aware of victims from within their own community and most were thought to be victims of domestic trafficking. Over a third of vehicle operators (36%) thought that adolescent boys were the main victims of TIP and a quarter mentioned adolescent girls; viii FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING • Exposure to TIP: Almost two-thirds of vehicle operators and a fifth of community members had seen victims of TIP. Transport (e.g. vehicles in transit) or transport hubs accounted for two-thirds of the locations where victims were commonly seen; • Driver involvement in TIP: A quarter of community members thought that drivers using the HVT corridors were involved in TIP. Over half of both community members and vehicle operators thought that the type of vehicle most likely to be involved in TIP was HGVs. Buses were the second most frequently mentioned vehicle; • Approached for trafficking: A minority of both community members (9%) and vehicle operators (9%) had been approached by a trafficker, either to be trafficked themselves (community members) or to transport a victim (vehicle operators). Just under half of vehicle operators who had been approached for trafficking were approached by the victim or victim's family and less than a quarter by a suspected trafficker. This suggests that many transporters involved in TIP may not be linked directly to networks of traffickers; • Level of organisation: The majority of community members (79%) thought that vehicle operators who were involved in TIP knew what they were doing, were well organised (73%) and worked in groups (59%); • Driver motivation: The main driver motivation, according to 84% of community members, was the wish to do a favour for a friend. In contrast, almost all vehicle operators felt that money was the main motivation for drivers, conductors and turnboys to become involved in TIP; • Understanding of risk: Two-thirds of vehicle operators thought that transport actors involved in TIP understood there was a lot of risk involved. Knowledge of the legal ramifications of being involved in TIP was very high among vehicle operators in Tanzania. Despite this, of those vehicle operators who had transported a victim of TIP in the past, 11% said that they would do the same again; • Border official vehicle checks: Just under 60% of vehicle operators said that their vehicles were always or sometimes checked by border control officials; only 3% said that their vehicles were never checked. Hence there is a high probability that a vehicle will be checked at a border. However, certain types of vehicle are not routinely or even occasionally checked at border posts – taxis, minibuses and buses in particular. • Border official passenger checks: Victims of TIP in the two research sites in Tanzania were far less likely to be intercepted by border officials if they used a minibus or taxi; • Border official involvement in TIP: Over half of vehicle operators thought that border officials were involved in some way in TIP, either by actively facilitating it or turning a blind eye. This suggests a low level of confidence in these regulatory staff; • Traffic police involvement in TIP: Just over a fifth (21%) of community members thought that traffic police played a role in TIP. In contrast, over half of vehicle operators thought that traffic police were involved in facilitating TIP, whether actively or passively; • Vehicle operator training in TIP: Only 7% of vehicle operators had been trained or given information on TIP. The research identified considerable interest to rectify this. Even these low levels of information or training on TIP appear to have been quite effective in changing knowledge, attitudes and practices; • Interventions: A high proportion (88%) of community members indicated that training of drivers would be an appropriate way to reduce TIP. Sixty-three percent of vehicle operators thought that training or information were important for drivers. Vehicle operators identified several topics that they would be interested to learn about; • Driver training school and transport association role as TIP educators: None of the transport associations or the driver training school interviewed as part of the research had integrated TIP into their activities in a structured way. The transport associations all showed an interest in doing more in this area and outlined some areas in which they required support. The driver training school, a government-run institution, was more reserved about the feasibility of integrating TIP into its activities. ix FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Uganda • Knowledge of human trafficking: This was high in Uganda; only 4% of community members and 14% of transporters reported that they did not know about TIP. Younger community members had heard less about TIP. This is a concern as it may increase their risk of becoming a victim; • TIP trends: The majority of community members and vehicle operators felt that the volume of TIP was increasing and linked to rising levels of unemployment. Many vehicle operators (42%) thought that drivers were more likely to get involved in TIP due to COVID-19; • Exposure to TIP: Nearly two-thirds of community members had seen a suspected victim of TIP and almost the same proportion of vehicle operators reported this. This suggests that TIP is happening at scale at the research sites in Uganda; • TIP victims: Most community members thought that victims of TIP were Ugandan, and that many came from their own communities. This implies that recruitment of TIP victims may be a common practice in Busia and Malaba. Community members thought that adolescent girls were the main victims of TIP whereas vehicle operators more often reported a mix of victims; • Organisation of TIP: Community members thought that other community members, organisations or businesses, family members, community leaders and organised crime groups were involved in the organisation of TIP. HGV drivers were not thought to be involved in the organisation of TIP; • Drivers involved in TIP: Community members thought that HGV drivers were more likely to be involved in TIP than other vehicle operators; • Approached for TIP: A significant proportion of vehicle operators (37%) reported being approached to take part in TIP, especially those aged 35+. Over a third (35%) of HGV operators, 42% of taxi (car) drivers and 28% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) riders had been asked to transport a victim of TIP; • Perception of risk: Most vehicle operators thought that drivers understood the high risks involved in TIP. The majority of vehicle operators identified imprisonment or a fine as consequences of TIP. The majority of vehicle operators who had transported a victim in the past said that they would not do so again because of the high risks involved. However, there appeared to be a sizeable group of potential repeat offenders (28% of those who had transported a victim of TIP in the past); • Motivation to be involved in TIP: The vast majority of vehicle operators felt that drivers were motivated by financial returns. In contrast, community members felt that drivers were involved to carry out a favour for a friend; • Drivers' level of organisation: Most community members thought that drivers knew what they are doing when they participated in TIP, and that they worked in organised groups. Half of vehicle operators felt that drivers were organised; • Vehicle checks by border officials: Sixty percent of vehicle operators were always checked by border control officials and 92% were sometimes or always checked. It appears, therefore, that there is a high likelihood that vehicles will encounter checks at border posts. Private modes of transport such as taxis (cars and motorcycles) were less likely to agree that they would always or sometimes be checked; • Passenger checks by border officials: Less than a third of vehicle operators reported that passengers' identification documents were always checked by border officials. For HGVs, less than half of respondents reported that border officials always or sometimes checked their passengers' identification documents (ID). This could provide important opportunities for TIP actors to transport victims at relatively low risk of being questioned or detained; • Border official involvement in TIP: The majority of community members and vehicle operators believed that border officials were proactively involved in TIP; • Traffic police involvement in TIP: Community members were less likely to think that traffic police were involved in TIP than border officials (50% versus 69%). However, the majority of vehicle operators thought that the traffic police did not do enough to counter TIP; x FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING • Training or information on TIP: A very small proportion of vehicle operators (10%) had been trained or given information on TIP; • Interventions: Both community members and vehicle operators felt that training and education of drivers were the most appropriate ways to reduce TIP. Vehicle operators identified several topics that they would be interested to learn about; • Role of driver training schools: TIP was not included in the curriculum of the driver training school that participated in the research in Uganda. A summary of key results can be found in Appendix E. Implications for Policy and Practice Key implications for policy and practice are: • The low level of awareness of TIP among community members, especially in Tanzania, increases their vulnerability to TIP. In Uganda, where awareness levels were higher, it is possible that the belief that people engage in TIP to help family members is deep-rooted, and the trauma experienced by victims is not fully appreciated. In both countries public information campaigns are desperately needed. Targeted campaigns in particularly vulnerable communities, including border communities, and in places where TIP victims are commonly seen, such as bus stations, restaurants, in buses and at border truck stops, would make sense; • If targeted for training on TIP, traditional and religious leaders could have an important role to play if they are able to intervene at an early stage when families are first approached by a would-be trafficker. In addition, certain occupations in both countries seemed more likely than others to come into contact with victims of TIP (e.g. restaurateurs in Uganda; sex workers; money changers). Finding ways to engage with and involve these groups as individuals who can signpost victim support services would make sense; • Investment in public information campaigns on buses would appear to be a worthwhile intervention, especially if this encourages other passengers to enquire about children and young girls who are travelling long distances and potentially intervene; • Vehicle operators in both countries lack information on the risks and repercussions of TIP and very few have been trained or even given basic information on TIP. The research identified considerable support among vehicle operators for training and/or information. Considering the apparent significant behaviour change triggered when access to information about TIP increases, this would be a useful intervention; • The research identified that turnboys and conductors knew less about TIP than drivers. As these professions have greater potential for interaction with customers it would make sense to tailor an awareness-raising intervention to these vehicle operators; • Training for vehicle operators should focus on what the law says about human trafficking; victim identification; and the steps that drivers, conductors and turnboys can take if they encounter a trafficking situation. As part of this training, it will be important to place the safety and well-being of survivors at the centre of any response; • The East African Community (EAC) standardised curriculum for drivers of large commercial vehicles (passenger and freight) in driver training schools currently does not include training on human trafficking, prevention or response. Discussions are needed at regional level about the inclusion of a mandatory module; • The Tanzanian and Ugandan governments could also consider making the need to address TIP a mandatory requirement of transport associations. However, it is worth noting that the latter are generally quite poorly resourced; • Different strategies may be needed to reach those working in the formal versus informal sectors, and those working for large employers versus those working for small businesses. This requires some thought and careful planning. Transport associations appear to be keen and ready to get involved in the anti-TIP effort. Working in partnership with these organisations offers a huge opportunity. Some associations xi FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING represent the smaller operators and hence it will be important to reach out to these. Another way to reach the informal transport sector would be though the ride-hailing app companies; • The lack of understanding among both community members and vehicle operators of victim support services may affect their willingness to intervene if they recognise cases. Anti-human trafficking CSOs require funding support so that they can raise their profile and publicise the services and facilities that they provide; • Border control officials and traffic police both need to become more visible and proactive in the fight against TIP. Training at all levels, including of senior managers, is required, backed up by effective supervision and appropriate resourcing of the roles. The very negative perception of regulatory officials among the public in both countries is a concern and requires a public relations campaign to share successes and achievements from a TIP perspective; • Certain vehicles (especially different types of taxi and minibuses) seem to avoid vehicle and passenger checks at borders and are therefore likely to be a favoured form of transport for traffickers. These vehicles need to be targeted for regular or spot checks by regulatory officials so that the idea of these being "safe" forms of transport for TIP is challenged. Because some of these vehicles do not routinely pass through formal check points, regulatory officials will require more resources to pursue traffickers on favoured non-official cross-border routes; • Transport companies have an important role to play in combatting human trafficking as part of their commitment to corporate social responsibility. In view of the widespread perception among community members and vehicle operators in both Uganda and Tanzania that HGV drivers are heavily involved in TIP, these companies need to take steps to provide training for their drivers and to monitor and supervise them better. They could also consider introducing anti-TIP charters and/or a code of conduct for drivers that focus specifically on trafficking and appointing organisational anti-TIP champions. Sharing the positive steps that they are taking via social media could encourage other organisations to follow suit; • Considering the apparent scale and embeddedness of TIP in both countries, there appears to be scope for strengthening the implementation of anti-TIP laws. These laws should act as a strong deterrent to TIP, but the fact that a sizeable group of would-be "repeat offenders" exists in both countries suggests that the threat of sanctions is not as strong as it could be. As a deterrent, drivers involved in TIP and successfully prosecuted should lose their entitlement to drive passenger service vehicles, commercial trucks, etc. in addition to any other punishment; • Scope for establishing a regional cross-border committee (involving Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania) to monitor TIP from a transport perspective should be investigated; • The voices of survivors that are highlighted in this research offer potent insight into the human cost of TIP. The case studies provide important material with which to engage with potential transport sector partners for a future intervention. Exploration of "sad memories" – what happened in practice and how things could have been done differently – is a very useful methodology for beginning to engage with target groups for behaviour change activities; • The research findings indicate that there is a case for investing in anti-TIP interventions whenever an HVT road is built or a formal border post established. This should be an automatic consideration as part of the mainstreaming of social inclusion into major infrastructure projects. 1 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 1. Introduction and background 1.1 General introduction This report presents the findings and implications for policy and practice of primary research carried out by the project entitled "An Investigation into the Impact on Social Inclusion of High Volume Transport (HVT) Corridors and Potential Solutions to Identifying and Preventing Human Trafficking". The research is funded by the UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) through the High Volume Transport (HVT) applied research programme (2017–2023), which is managed by IMC Worldwide Ltd (IMC). The overarching goal of the HVT research programme is to increase access to affordable transport services, more efficient trade routes, and safer, low-carbon transport in low-income countries in Africa and South Asia. Part 1 of the programme aimed to establish the state of knowledge in four key areas: • Long-distance strategic road and rail transport; • Urban transport; • Low-carbon transport; • Gender, inclusion, vulnerable groups and road safety. Part 2 (2019–2023) aims to generate new primary research, with an emphasis on inclusive transport and climate change mitigation and adaptation. Our research is implemented under Part 2 of the HVT research programme. It falls under the "policy and regulation" priority area, fits with an emphasis on long-distance strategic road transport, and addresses issues of inclusion by focusing on a vulnerable group – individuals who are trafficked along major transport routes (Table 1). Table 1: HVT research programme priority and domain The research project is implemented by a consortium led by Cardno Emerging Markets (UK) Ltd., and includes Transaid, North Star Alliance and Scriptoria. 2 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 1.2 Background to research Our research aims to broaden understanding of the relationship between human trafficking (hereinafter referred to as Trafficking in Persons, or TIP) and long-distance transport corridors and cross-border posts in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), a topic on which little research has been carried out to date. The current high-level policy emphasis on transport as a key driver of economic growth means that it is an opportune time to examine the wider impact of transport corridors on vulnerable groups. Stories of human trafficking are frequently covered by African news sources. However, there are considerable gaps in the literature relating to the unlawful trafficking of people on the continent and reliable statistics are often not readily available due to data collection and reporting challenges. As a result, the number of formally declared cases of trafficking is often a minute proportion of the estimated number of cases. The gap in the TIP evidence base extends to understanding the nature and scale of trafficking along transport corridors. Payments to drivers are thought to incentivise their involvement in TIP, but this issue has been neglected in the literature. Very little is known about which transport sector actors play a role in TIP, whether their involvement is intentional or unintentional, formalised or informal, and where these actors fit within the complex network of individuals and organisations that facilitates TIP. Our research does not attempt to quantify victims of TIP along HVT corridors, but rather shed light on the severity and demographic of the problem in HVT areas, the role that HVT stakeholders play in these activities, and opportunities to develop effective interventions and policy change that can improve TIP awareness and identification and support of victims. The primary research was conducted in Uganda and Tanzania. These are countries in which our consortium has extensive experience and was able to draw on existing partnerships. Uganda forms part of the busy Northern Corridor linking Kigali to Mombasa, while the port of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania is the start and end of the Central Corridor, which links it with Bujumbura, Burundi. Box 1: Definitions: Transport Corridors and Operators Our research focuses on HVT corridors, other major trade routes and border crossings linked to these routes. The term "transport corridor" is usually used in the context of air, rail, sea and road routes, but we focus on road transport only. A common definition of a high volume road is a highway with traffic volumes of more than 300 vehicles per day.1 Transport corridors and trade corridors are both examples of "development corridors": the term "transport corridor" is used to describe the flow of people and goods; the term "trade corridor" refers to a route that facilitates trade.2 The term "transport corridor" is used in this report, although it is recognised that these routes promote trade. Long-distance vehicle operators (e.g. heavy goods vehicle drivers and passenger service vehicle drivers, primarily of buses and coaches) who utilise these routes were the key focus of the research. Other vehicle operators who undertake short-distance journeys (e.g. boda boda drivers and other commercial car hire operators) also utilise these routes and hence were included in the research. 1 Parkman, C. (2014). High Volume Transport: Rapid assessment of research gaps in road engineering and technical aspects. Report produced by TRL for Evidence on Demand. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a089aae5274a31e00001e8/EoD_HD107_Jan2014_Road_Research.pdf. (date accessed 27/09/21). 2 Hope, A., and J. Cox (2015). Development Corridors. Economic and Private Sector Professional Evidence and Applied Knowledge Services Topic Guide. Coffey International Development. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/57a08995e5274a31e000016a/Topic_Guide_Development_Corridors.pdf. (date accessed 27/09/21). 3 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 2. Approach and methodology 2.1 Overview Our investigation into TIP along HVT corridors is undertaken as applied research – research that aims to find solutions to everyday problems. The two initial research phases, comprising desk and field-based research, aim to inform the design of a pilot intervention that will generate new knowledge on potential ways to solve the problem. The pilot, which is due to begin in April 2022 (see Section 2.4 below), will be implemented within an operations research framework so that the results and impact can be measured. All three aspects of the research (desk-based research, field-based primary research and the pilot intervention) will help expand the evidence base on the relationship between TIP and HVT corridors. 2.2 Research objectives The objectives of the research are as follows: 1. To investigate the role played by HVT corridors in human trafficking in Uganda and Tanzania; 2. To explore some of the factors (primarily transport-related and regulatory) that are contributing to human trafficking along HVT corridors (roads); 3. To assess the level of awareness of human trafficking and its impacts among transport providers, the users of HVT corridors and the communities through which these routes pass; 4. To identify and recommend pilot innovations that can help recognise and counter human trafficking along HVT corridors. These objectives generated a number of research questions (Table 2), which guided the design of the primary research phase of the project. Table 2: Key research questions Research Objectives Key Research Questions • To investigate the role played by HVT corridors in human trafficking in Uganda and Tanzania • How are HVT corridors contributing to TIP in Uganda and Tanzania? • What forms of TIP are facilitated by HVT corridors? At what scale? • Is TIP increasing along HVT corridors? If so, why? • Who are the individuals or groups who are at high risk of being trafficked along HVT corridors? What are their experiences, and how can they be supported? • To explore some of the factors (primarily transport-related and regulatory) that are contributing to human trafficking along HVT corridors (roads) • What are the factors that motivate drivers to participate in TIP? • How do transport actors fit within the networks of human traffickers? • What is the existing anti-trafficking legislation, what does it say about transport, and to what extent is this enforced? What are the obstacles to enforcement? • What is the relationship between COVID-19 and TIP along HVT corridors? • To assess the level of awareness of human trafficking and its impacts among transport providers, the users of HVT corridors and the communities through which these routes pass • What do drivers, the communities located along HVT corridors, and border control and law enforcement officials located along HVT corridors know about TIP and to what extent do they participate in it? 4 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Research Objectives Key Research Questions • To identify and recommend pilot innovations that can help recognise and counter human trafficking along HVT corridors • What can be done by the transport sector to help prevent TIP, or to reduce or mitigate its effects? • What is the role and capacity of transport sector actors (e.g. transporter associations, driving training schools or transport companies) in enabling compliance with anti-trafficking legislation? • What innovations could prevent or counter the negative impacts of TIP along HVT corridors? 2.3 Application of research Our project aims to generate new high-quality research, ensure uptake by policy makers, practitioners and development partners, and influence policy and practice. To ensure relevance, potential users of the research have been placed at the centre of the research process. To date, formal opportunities for engagement, participation and knowledge exchange have been created via a launch event and two research strategy consultation events. Other planned activities, which will take place later in the project, include the production of a peer-reviewed journal article and various formal and informal dissemination events. The anticipated main applications of the research are: • Greater policy attention to the role of the transport sector in combatting TIP; • Increased awareness within the transport industry of the transport provisions of anti-TIP legislation; • Strengthening of national TIP prevention strategies; • Expanding the reach of the research outcomes – and sharing information and lessons learned on the planned pilot intervention – to other SSA countries that are facing similar TIP challenges. 2.4 Research timeline and phases The duration of the research project is 29 months. The project began in late July 2020 and is due to end in December 2022. The research is being implemented in five phases: inception (eight weeks); research preparation (three months); primary research (nine months); design and implementation of a pilot intervention (six months); and uptake and embedment (three months) (Figure 1). Based on guidance from FCDO, a break was included into the project timeline after phase three – completion of the primary research. This means that design of the pilot intervention (phase 4) and uptake and embedment activities (phase 5) will begin at the start of financial year 2022-2023, extending the overall project timeline by eight months from what was originally planned. Figure 1: Research timeline and phases This report provides an update on activities undertaken during phase three. 5 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 2.5 Research methodology The methodology for the primary research was informed by a comprehensive literature review that was undertaken in July and August 2020. The literature review report can be accessed via the HVT Applied Research website at: www.hvt.preview.consideredcreative.com. A draft methodology was compiled and submitted to research clearance bodies in Tanzania and Uganda (see Section 2.7). Various revisions were made in response to helpful feedback. An overview of the methodology is provided below. 2.5.1 Research sites The research was carried out in four locations with two locations each in Tanzania and Uganda (Table 3 and Figure 2). Three of the research sites (Busia and Malaba in Uganda and Tunduma in Tanzania) were at border posts along HVT corridors. The fourth site (Arusha in Tanzania) was at a key transit location. Table 3: Research sites in Tanzania and Uganda Country Sites Uganda Busia Malaba Tanzania Arusha Tunduma Figure 2: Location of research sites 2.5.1.1 Busia border post Busia is a town in the eastern region of Uganda. It is the main administrative, municipal and commercial centre of Busia District and hosts the district headquarters. Busia District is traversed by the Northern Corridor, which connects Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda and Uganda to the Kenyan sea port of Mombasa. Busia lies along a specific section of the Northern Corridor – the part that connects Musita to Busia and continues onwards to Kisumu in Kenya. Together, Busia and Malaba are 6 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING considered the busiest border crossings along the Northern Corridor. 3 Both are "one stop border posts" (OSBP). The latter have improved the clearance of both goods and passengers travelling across borders for economic or social reasons. The high volume of transport of goods and passengers crossing the Busia border post makes the site very relevant to the study. The town serves as a connection for transportation of goods and passengers to other countries including Rwanda, Burundi and the DRC, mostly through its capital city of Kampala. With an estimated 61,000 residents, 4 Busia is well known for trade and is a business hub in the region for local products and goods that are traded with Kenya and other countries. The high number of trucks and passenger service vehicles makes the site a key site of interest for the research in terms of understanding the role of the northern transport corridor in TIP. Figure 3: Road connecting Musita to Busia along northern corridor 2.5.1.2 Malaba border post Malaba is a border town in Tororo District in the eastern region of Uganda on the border with Kenya. Malaba is serviced by the Northern Corridor, the main highway between Kampala and Nairobi. Malaba connects various parts of Uganda to the eastern region including Jinja and Mbale and Kampala. Like Busia, it is an OSBP. This location is relevant to the research since the transport corridor connects both the eastern and north-eastern parts of Uganda. Malaba is busier than Busia, with more infrastructure. 3 Fitzmaurice, M. and Hartmann, O. (2013). Border Crossing Monitoring along the Northern Corridor. SSATP Africa Transport Policy Program Working Paper 96. Available at: http://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/727991467990310106/pdf/786710SSATP0NW0ng0n orthern0corridor.pdf (date accessed 27/09/21). 4 Busia District Local Government. Available at: https://www.busia.go.ug/about-us/district-profile (date accessed 27/09/21). 7 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 4: Malaba: connects Kampala to Nairobi along northern corridor 2.5.1.3 Tunduma border post Tunduma is a border town in Momba District in Songwe region along the border of Tanzania and Zambia. Tunduma is located on the Dar es Salaam Corridor, which connects Dar es Salaam to Zambia, and branches off to Malawi. Tunduma acts as an important border crossing connecting southern Africa with eastern and central Africa. This research site is important due to the location of the major transport corridor that connects Tanzania and Zambia, but also because of its proximity to Malawi on the south-eastern side of Mbeya town. These multiple connections point to opportunities for cross-border trade and internal TIP. Figure 5: Tunduma: connects Dar es Salaam and Dodoma with Lusaka along central corridor 2.5.1.4 Arusha city Arusha is a city located along the corridor connecting Tanzania and Kenya through the Namanga border post. It serves as a regional capital. Arusha is situated along a corridor that is well connected to Nairobi, Mombasa, Dodoma and Dar es Salaam. It is located along a central route for the transportation of goods including agricultural produce and passengers travelling for economic or social reasons. This route often links countries further north (e.g. Ethiopia and Somalia) to destinations in southern Africa. 8 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 6: Arusha: connects Northern and Central Corridors and links Nairobi, Dodoma and Mombasa 2.5.2 Research sampling procedure and sample size Our cross-sectional research study utilised both quantitative and qualitative designs. Sampling for the quantitative design was done using Cochran's formula (Figure 7) to determine the most appropriate sample size. This formula is suitable because it yields a representative sample from proportions of large samples or populations from which it may be difficult to develop an exact or accurate sampling frame. All four research locations had populations larger than 20,000 people based on 2020 projections.5 The research targeted community members of heterogeneous characteristics who were located in major border towns and along key transport corridors. Figure 7: Cochran's sample size formula for larger populations In the formula, n0 is the sample size; Z is the value for the selected alpha level, which in this case is 1.96 (0.25 in each tail) for a 95% confidence level; p is the estimated proportion of an attribute that is present in the population at 50% of the population being eligible to take part in the research as part of the community or driver group and represented by 0.5; q is 1-p, or 0.5. (p)(q) are the estimate of variance and equal to 0.25; and e is the acceptable margin of error for the proportion being estimated, and so the confidence interval, in decimals. This is equal to 0.05 based on the 95% confidence interval. Consequently, the formula provides for a sample size of 384 respondents in each of the research sites as shown below: n0 = (Z)2*(p)(q)/(e)2 = 384 n0 = (1.96)2*(0.5)(0.5)/(0.05)2 = 384 respondents There were two respondent categories for the quantitative surveys: vehicle operators and community members. For the qualitative component of the study, five respondent categories were included (police officers, border officials, representatives of driver training schools and transport associations, civil society organisations (CSOs) and survivors of human trafficking). Purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used to identify key informants of interest to the research subject. The target number of semi-structured interviews was 55. Key informants were purposively identified at the research sites or relevant locations. Snowball sampling was used to identify survivors of TIP through referrals from key informants or other respondents. 5 In 2020, Malaba was estimated to have a population of 20,800; Busia, 64,900; Arusha city, 493,000; and Tunduma town, 97,562. Available at: https://www.citypopulation.de/en/tanzania/admin/songwe/1210__tunduma_town and https://www.macrotrends.net/cities/22893/arusha/population (date accessed 27/09/21). 9 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 2.5.3 Quantitative survey respondents 2.5.3.1 Drivers, conductors and turnboys The research gathered information from various types of driver including long-distance drivers, passenger service vehicle drivers (e.g. bus and coach drivers) and local taxi drivers (e.g. car or motorcycle/tricycle). In addition, conductors and turnboys who often accompany truck and passenger service vehicle drivers were also targeted. Drivers, conductors and turnboys are referred to as "vehicle operators" in this report. Drivers, conductors and turnboys play a critical role in transporting goods and passengers, which could potentially include victims of human trafficking. The fact that long-distance truckers usually move across multiple border posts and cover longer distances poses unique dynamics that were expected to be of particular interest to the research. Short-distance drivers are also thought to be important in TIP, linking victims to longer-distance transport options. The research included both short- and long-distance drivers. Due to their relevance in the study, the plan was to ensure that 50% of the total sample (N=768 respondents broken down into 192 in each of the four research sites) comprised drivers, conductors or turnboys. Systematic sampling was used to select every tenth driver, conductor or turnboy parked at the bus parks or border post parking yard for interview. 2.5.3.2 Community members The research also targeted community members. Respondents were drawn from among the people who live, work or were involved in trade along the transport corridors. This included: local traders, fuel station operators and attendants, female sex workers, transport terminal workers (e.g. ticket office staff) and other people who worked at the research sites. The target was for 50% of the quantitative sample (N=768 respondents) to be community members, of which 15% would be female sex workers and 35% would be other community members. Sex workers were a key target group because they live and work along the transport corridors daily. Due to the nature of their work, they interact with men who operate along the borders including truckers, other business people and traders, including people who may be dealing with illegal or contraband goods, and local authorities and border control and other regulatory officers. Sex workers were anticipated to be a useful source of information on the research subject, particularly since some forms of TIP involve sexual exploitation. 2.5.3.3 Inclusion and exclusion criteria The quantitative surveys used the following inclusion and exclusion criteria: • Inclusion criteria: Drivers, conductors, turnboys, stage managers and operators, terminal managers and staff, community members and sex workers. Research participants were adults 18 years and over. All participants were required to sign a consent form. • Exclusion criteria: Individuals who did not give consent to be interviewed. Children and young people under the age of 18. 2.5.3.4 Final sample size For the quantitative survey, the target sample size of 1,536 respondents was exceeded by 12 respondents (11 additional vehicle operators were interviewed in Uganda, as well as one additional vehicle operator in Tanzania). The final sample comprised 1,548 respondents, half of whom were vehicle operators (drivers, conductors and turnboys), the other half being community members. The community sample comprised 30% female sex workers and 70% other community members. Table 4 shows the number of quantitative survey respondents interviewed within each category of respondent. 10 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Table 4: Research sample for quantitative surveys Quantitative Survey Sample Research Site Vehicle operators (50%) Community members (50%) Total Sample Female sex workers (15%) Other community members (35%) UGANDA Malaba 194 58 134 386 Busia 201 58 135 394 Subtotal 395 116 269 780 TANZANIA Tunduma 193 58 134 384 Arusha 192 58 134 384 Subtotal 385 116 268 768 Total 780 232 537 1,548 % of total sample 50% 15% 35% 100% 2.5.4 Qualitative survey respondents In-depth semi-structured interviews were planned with 55 respondents. This number was decided on to ensure a good spread of respondents across five categories. The plan was to interview a total of 16 police officers; 16 border control officials; 5 representatives of CSOs or inter-government organisations; 6 representatives of driver training schools; and 12 human trafficking survivors. The qualitative interviews were intended to complement the quantitative surveys, providing additional insights on key topics. Survivors were selected to participate in the research using purposive techniques but also relying on convenience. The research team was able to access these respondents through referrals from CSOs working on TIP. With all the other categories of qualitative interviews, a mixture of convenience, purposive and snowball techniques were used to identify respondents. 2.5.4.1 Border control officials and traffic police Qualitative interviews were carried out with government security and regulation officials, who are key TIP stakeholders. Traffic police and border control officers were interviewed to provide in-depth insights on the research subject. The research methodology included a target of 16 police officers and 16 border and immigration officials. 2.5.4.2 CSO representatives The research team planned to carry out five qualitative interviews with CSOs involved in prevention, intervention, support or other activities related to TIP to document their insights, knowledge and experiences on human trafficking, legislation and policy. 2.5.4.3 Representatives of driver training schools and transport associations Representatives of driver training schools, transport associations and unions were interviewed as key informants. They were expected to share important insights into the extent to which drivers are involved in TIP and the reasons why. Their insights into the effect of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP were also thought to be important. These representatives were interviewed about the work they are already doing to 11 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING help counter TIP (if already engaged) and their ideas about what can potentially be done. The plan was to approach six institutions to participate in this part of the research. 2.5.4.4 Survivors of human trafficking Interviews with survivors of TIP were intended to provide contextual information on TIP as a process, including the role of transport and transporters. A snowball approach was used to identify survivors through the CSOs who participated in the research, and other key informants. The plan was to carry out 12 in-depth interviews. 2.5.4.5 Final qualitative sample size Although full research clearance was obtained for the project, and despite very significant efforts on the part of the research team, permission to interview traffic police and border control officials was not granted by the relevant authorities in Tanzania. This reduced the number of interviews that were carried out with these respondent groups (of the planned 32 interviews, 17 were carried out). However, an additional 3 interviews were carried out with representatives of driver training schools and transport associations. Overall, a total of 43 qualitative interviews were carried out against a target of 55 (equivalent to 78% of the target). See Table 5 below. Table 5: Research sample for qualitative interviews Research Location Traffic police officers Border control officials Driver training schools / transport associations and unions TIP Survivors CSOs Total UGANDA Malaba 5 4 9 Busia 5 3 8 Elsewhere 5 6 2 13 TANZANIA Tunduma 0 0 0 Arusha 0 0 0 Elsewhere 4 6 3 13 TOTAL 10 7 9 12 5 43 2.6 Ethical considerations 2.6.1 Overview The research adhered to the European Society for Opinion and Market Research (ESOMAR) code of ethical practice and ethical standards on research and the International Chamber of Commerce's International Code on Market and Social Research. The research also followed the principles set out in FCDO's Ethical Guidance for Research, Evaluation and Monitoring Activities (DFID, 2019).6 The values guiding the research were beneficence (doing good), non‐maleficence (preventing or mitigating harm), trust within the researcher/participant relationship, and recognition of the personal dignity and 6 DFID (2019). Ethical Guidance for Research, Evaluation and Monitoring Activities. Available at: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/838106/DFIDEthics-Guidance-Oct2019.pdf. (date accessed 28/09/21). 12 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING autonomy of research participants. These values were mainstreamed throughout the research methodology and approach and reinforced in the training of field researchers and supervisors. Within the research team, the Principal Investigator, Senior Research Assistant and M&E Adviser had all completed a Protecting Human Research Participants course. These team members were responsible for training the team of field researchers and supervisors. 2.6.2 Research participant rights The research into TIP and HVT corridors involved human participants. Key ethical considerations were therefore: the risks to subjects, the adequacy of protection against these risks, the potential benefits of the proposed research to the subjects and others, and the importance of the knowledge to be gained. All participants in the proposed research were informed of their rights prior to being asked to sign a research consent form. These rights include: • To have enough time to decide whether to be in the research study and to make that decision without any pressure from the research team; • To refuse to be in the study at all, and to stop participating at any time during the study; • To be told what the study was trying to find out, what would happen to participants, and what they would be asked to do in the study; • To be informed about any reasonably foreseeable risks associated with being in the study; • To be told about the possible benefits of being in the study and the overall value of the study; • To be told whether there were any costs associated with being in the study and that there would be no compensation associated with participating in the study; • To be told who would have access to information collected about participants, and how each participant's confidentiality would be protected; • To be informed about who to contact with questions about the research, about research-related injury, and about their rights as a research subject. Whatever decision was made by potential respondents about whether to participate in the research was paramount and honoured by the research team. Interviews with survivors of human trafficking were arranged with the assistance of CSOs working on TIP. The latter carefully identified individuals who were willing and ready to participate in the research. All participants were informed that they could draw on pro bono psycho-social support services provided by the CSO before, during or after the interview on an as-needs basis. These interviews were undertaken by senior members of the research team and in the presence of a CSO representative. 2.6.3 Privacy All survey questionnaires used unique identifiers to identify participants of the research. This was to respect their privacy and to ensure their anonymity. None of the research team members with access to the data was aware of the identity of research participants, except for the researcher performing the interview. Unique identifiers were also used on consent forms in addition to the participant's name to ensure that the research team could prove consent if necessary. All consent forms, completed surveys and interview schedules were kept in a locked and secure location. 2.6.4 Safeguarding and COVID-19 risk mitigation Over recent years, there has been increasing recognition of the way in which children, young people and vulnerable adults can be at risk of discrimination, neglect, abuse and exploitation by those who are in positions of trust and power over them. The project's safeguarding approach aimed to ensure that the research team did no harm to research participants, their families, friends or other contacts, and that there was a mechanism in place that allowed any concerns about the safety of these groups to be reported to the relevant authorities. The approach also recognised the potential vulnerabilities of researchers themselves when working in situations where there are hierarchies and power dynamics and potential security issues. 13 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING All senior research team members were briefed on and required to sign up to Cardno Emerging Market's Preventing Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Harassment (PSEAH) Policy to ensure a safe and trusted environment for research implementation. A safeguarding plan was compiled (see Appendix A) and safeguarding focal points in the UK and in Uganda and Tanzania were appointed. The local research team (Research Assistants and Research Supervisors) were trained on safeguarding and other aspects of research ethics. The health, safety and security of research participants and the research team was paramount against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic. COVID-19 has presented a unique intersection of safeguarding issues. While the crisis is affecting everyone globally, the impact is likely to exceptional among vulnerable populations. The individuals who become victims of TIP – and sometimes the individuals who knowingly or unknowingly facilitate the process – can be classified as vulnerable. The need to follow ethical research guidelines stringently, while implementing robust safeguarding and COVID-19 risk mitigation measures, was considered vital in the context of this research. Researchers were provided a "Safe Surveying" guidance note and trained on the content. A summary of the project's COVID-19 prevention and response measures can be found in Appendix B. 2.6.5 Compensation Incentive payments to encourage participation in research can be contentious. Paying for someone to participate in research can mean that respondents feel pressured to take part. In this context, consent is not genuinely given. Participants may also feel that, having been paid, they are obliged to provide positive feedback in their survey responses, leading to unconscious bias. FCDO recommends that respondents are only compensated financially to reimburse them for costs incurred, such as travel and childcare. In this research project, it was decided that it would not be appropriate to pay participants since this could have led to unmanageable expectations among those not invited to participate. Given the nature of the survey environment (highway corridors and truck stops), it was also felt that security issues related to the distribution of cash payments could be an issue. Instead, compensation was provided in the form of refreshments. 2.7 Ethical approval In Uganda, ethical approval for the research protocol was obtained from the Mildmay Uganda Research Ethics Committee (MUREC) and research clearance through the Uganda National Council for Science and Technology (UNCST). In Tanzania, ethical approval was obtained through the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and the Tanzania Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH). The process took six months – three months longer than originally anticipated. A number of factors delayed the approval process, including elections in both countries, the seasonal break in December 2020, and the need to obtain additional permissions from various levels of government. In Tanzania in particular, the impact of COVID-19 tangibly affected the smooth running of government operations. Lessons learned from the ethical approval process can be found in Appendix D. 2.8 Selection and training of field researchers and supervisors Due to the sensitivity of the research subject, the research team utilised competent Research Assistants (RAs) with prior knowledge and experience of collecting data for research purposes. RAs in Malaba and Tunduma were selected from among the North Star Alliance Blue Box Clinic teams and volunteers who had been involved in previous research or studies. RAs in the Busia Blue Box Clinic were identified from among volunteers who had participated in North Star Alliance outreach activities and who had knowledge of data collection and interaction with the targeted research respondents. RAs in Arusha were identified through local partners who had experience in research and data collection. RAs were given a three-day training prior to the start of the research implementation process. North Star Alliance research team members organised the training logistics including preparation of training materials and sourcing of training venues. Three training sessions were delivered: in Arusha (11-14 January 2021) and in Tunduma (18-21 January 2021) in Tanzania and a combined training in Busia and Malaba in Uganda (26-29 January 2021). The latter was delivered a little later than originally anticipated due to the national elections 14 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING that took place on 14 January 2021. A total of 24 RAs were trained (12 in Tanzania and 12 in Uganda). A third of the RAs were female and two thirds were male. Pre- and post-training tests indicated that the RAs had learned a great deal during the training: pre-training test results were 70% in Arusha, 56% in Tunduma and 53% in Malaba and Busia. Post-training test results were 96% in Arusha, 91% in Tunduma, and 90% in Malaba and Busia. The RA training focused on seven key areas: understanding of TIP; research ethics; safeguarding; working safely within the context of COVID-19; code of conduct and terms of engagement; research data management; and research data collection tools. These topics covered both the protection of research participants and the protection of the research team (from the perspective of safeguarding, COVID-19 and other types of harm). In Tanzania, the research affiliate attended both training sessions and delivered the ethical research component. The training module on research ethics emphasised the importance of paying close attention to, and respecting the rights of, research participants. The researchers were trained on the importance of participant autonomy – and their right to choose to participate in the research and freely withdraw from the research at any stage if they wished. The training also emphasised the fundamental right of participants to confidentiality, including confidentiality of any information shared during and after the research. The RAs were issued with identification cards to facilitate their field work. A half-day orientation of Research Supervisors (two per country) was delivered after the RA training. This focused on the supervisors' co-ordination and safeguarding roles. A training schedule can be found in Appendix C. Due to the delay in obtaining ethical approval in both countries, a one-day re-orientation was provided to the 12 RAs and two Research Supervisors working at the two Uganda research sites on 16 April 2021 (Busia) and 19 April (Malaba). In Tanzania, one-day refresher trainings were held on 8 May in Tunduma and 11 May in Arusha. 2.9 Testing of research instruments The research team tested the validity and reliability of the research instruments by conducting a two-day pilot data collection exercise at a location that had not been earmarked for the research. This was Mutukula, a town in Missenyi District, Kagera Region, in north-western Tanzania at the border with Uganda – a site with similar characteristics to the four main research locations. The pilot was implemented in February 2021. The exercise allowed the research team to test the research tools in both English (Uganda) and Swahili (Tanzania). The primary aim of the pilot was to test whether the wording and ordering of questions was appropriate. Some minor changes to the research instruments were made following feedback from the researchers involved in the pilot. 2.10 Data collection The original plan was to roll out the data collection simultaneously at the four research sites. However, in practice data collection took place at different times and was linked to the receipt of research clearance, which had to be obtained from the respective institutional review board, and different layers of government. Data collection took place between April and June 2021. The RAs collected data on assigned days under the leadership of a Research Supervisor. Supervisors held a briefing meeting at the beginning and end of each field research day to address any challenges or other matters arising, and to collect the completed questionnaires at the end of each workday. Quantitative data collection took place over a two-week period at each research site. In Uganda, the research affiliate participated in the research implementation process to monitor that the ethical research protocols were being followed. Some qualitative key informant interviews (e.g. those with border officials and traffic police) were undertaken by the Research Supervisors at the research sites. The key informant interviews with survivors were undertaken at other locations by the research team's Senior M&E Adviser due to their sensitivity. Other interviews (e.g. with transport associations, driver training schools and CSOs) were either undertaken face-to- 15 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING face or virtually and involved all members of the research team. All qualitative interviews were completed by August 2021. 2.11 Data entry and cleaning Completed survey questionnaires were checked by the Research Supervisors and any queries addressed with the RAs prior to data entry. At the end of every field research day, the RAs entered participants' responses from the questionnaires into a Microsoft Excel template. This was coded sequentially with all the questions, following the sequence in the research instruments. Once entered, the data were reviewed by the Research Supervisors for any obvious mistakes or anomalies and corrections were made, if necessary, based on a review of the original questionnaire. The qualitative data from key informants were recorded where possible and transcribed for the purpose of coding. The data were organised thematically to draw conclusions. 2.12 Statistical analysis and software The quantitative data were analysed using scientific data analysis, specifically the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) and STATA (statistical analysis software). Cross-tabulation was used to analyse the data. Various statistical tests were also carried out, including descriptive analysis, univariate, bivariate and multivariate tests of associations (see Table 6). Significance tests were carried out in a small number of instances, usually when the data revealed large differences in the findings by gender, location or age. Table 6: Statistical analysis and tests Statistical analysis/test Description Examples of Type of Test Used Descriptive analysis Demographic information (gender, age, occupation) Univariate analysis Univariate analysis Mean, median and mode of values in specific variables in the research Mean, median, mode, frequency and percentages Frequency tables (absolutes and percentages) Frequency of particular values observed in the scales for specific variables Percentages/scores of specific values for the variables Factor analysis Measure socioeconomic variable relationships in the research Factor analysis Cross-tabulations with chi-square tests of association Parametric tests Test of variance (more statistical power for significance of existing effects among research variables) 1&2 sample t-tests, oneway ANOVA and linear regression Two sample tests of association Significance and correlation tests Analysis of strength of relationships and estimation of relationships between the research variables Pearson correlation coefficient Two sample t-tests of proportions Cross-tabulations 2.13 Qualitative analysis Semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted in English in Uganda and Kiswahili in Tanzania with data transcribed into notebooks initially and later converted into electronic format. The Kiswahili interviews 16 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING were translated into English. Thematic analysis was used to interpret the data: sections of the text were organised using codes, some of which matched a specific interview question. Statements identified as relevant to the study were then analysed and categorised into themes representing issues of interest. Patterns and differences in the responses to each theme were identified. The process of organising data into codes and themes was checked and validated by a second researcher. Direct quotes from research participants were identified and included in the write-up where they aided understanding of a particular theme – and to show similarities and differences in knowledge, attitudes and experiences. 3. Primary research findings 3.1 Introduction This section presents the findings of our research into the impact on social inclusion of HVT corridors. It investigates the role played by HVT corridors in human trafficking in Uganda and Tanzania; explores some of the factors (primarily transport-related and regulatory) that are contributing to TIP along HVT corridors; and assesses the level of awareness of TIP and its impacts among vehicle operators and providers, the users of HVT corridors, and the communities through which these routes pass. Results are presented by country. 3.2 Tanzania 3.2.1 Characteristics of sample There were 384 community respondents in Tanzania, evenly divided between the two research sites of Tunduma and Arusha. There were slightly more female than male respondents (54% female and 46% male). Just over a fifth (21%) of respondents were between 18-24; 45% were between 25-34; 22% were between 35- 49; and 11% were 50+. Overall, the women were younger than the men: 84% of female respondents were less than 35 years old while only 44% of male respondents were in this age group (Figure 8). Figure 8: Community respondents by age and gender, Tanzania In the community sample, 64% of respondents described themselves as a "business woman/man", "entrepreneur" or as running a "small business" (92% of men and 42% of women). Almost all the women (98%) either ran a business or described themselves as sex workers. Over half of the women (56%) (30% of the entire community sample in Tanzania) were sex workers. In the survey of vehicle operators, all but two respondents (383 out of 385) were male. Thirty-nine percent of vehicle operators were in the 25-34 age category; 39% were between 35-49; 18% were over 50; and 4% were aged 18-24. The two female vehicle operators were aged between 25-34 years. Most of the sample (89%) comprised drivers; 9% of respondents were conductors; and 2% were turnboys. The two female vehicle operators were conductors. Sixty-one percent of drivers were aged 35 years or more, compared to 20% of 17 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING conductors and 17% of turnboys (Figure 9). Half of the respondents (50%) had been working in their role for 9 or more years; 37% for between 4-8 years; and 13% for less than 4 years. Figure 9: Age and role of vehicle operators, Tanzania In terms of the type of vehicle, 45% of respondents were driving or associated with a heavy goods vehicle (HGV); 16% a bus; 15% a minibus; 12% a taxi (motorcycle or tricycle); 6% a taxi (car); and 5% a coach. There were differences in type of vehicle based on location: in Tunduma, 57% of respondents were associated with an HGV; 27% a bus; and 16% a minibus. In Arusha, 32% of respondents were associated with an HGV; 24% a taxi (motorcycle or tricycle); 13% a taxi (car); 15% a minibus; 10% a coach; and 5% a bus (Figure 10). Figure 10: Type of vehicle operated by location, Tanzania Of those in the 50+ age group, 74% drove an HGV. The younger age groups had higher percentages of minibus drivers than the older age groups (18% and 24% for the age groups 18-24 years and 25-34 years respectively versus 11% and 4% for the age groups 35-49 years and 50+ years respectively). Overall, there were more HGV operators in Tunduma than in Arusha. In Arusha vehicle operators were, as expected, associated with a wider range of vehicles. This is normal for a city of this size and geographical location. Just under half of respondents (47%) were short-distance drivers (i.e. home every night); 41% undertook longdistance journeys (i.e. away from home overnight); and 12% undertook both types of journey. More respondents in Tunduma than Arusha undertook long-distance journeys (56% versus 26%). This probably reflects the fact that a majority of vehicle operators in Tunduma were operating HGVs. Similarly, in Arusha 3% 36% 41% 20% 14% 66% 20% 0% 33% 50% 17% 0% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 18 to 24 years 25 to34 years 35 to 49 years 50 + Age and Role of Vehicle Operators, Tanzania Driver Conductor Turnboy 18 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING many respondents (52%) worked with vehicles that made short-distance trips (i.e. taxis, minibuses). These distinctions may also reflect differences in the two research sites (Tunduma is a border post and Arusha a city). Older age groups were more likely to undertake long-distance journeys (e.g. 51% of those aged 35-49 years and 75% of those aged 50+ compared to 29% of those aged 18-24 and 17% of those aged 25-34 years). A quarter of respondents were self-employed; 38% worked for a company; and 37% worked for another person. Respondents in Arusha were less likely to work for a company compared to those in Tunduma (15% versus 61%) (Figure 11). While 44% of respondents in Arusha were self-employed, only 5% of respondents in Tunduma were. Older age groups were more likely than younger age groups to work for a company (35%, 20%, 42% and 69% among those aged 18-24, those aged 25-34, those aged 35-49 and those aged 50+ respectively). Figure 11: Vehicle operators' employment type by location, Tanzania In the qualitative research component, in-depth key informant interviews were carried out with the following: one driving training school; three transport associations; six survivors of human trafficking; and three CSOs working on TIP. The perspectives of CSOs are integrated throughout the presentation of the quantitative research results. Separate sections on the perspectives of the driver training school, transport associations and survivors are included below. As mentioned previously (Section 2.5.4.5), a lack of permission from the relevant authorities meant that planned interviews with border control officials and traffic police could not be carried out in Tanzania. 3.2.2 Human trafficking knowledge and attitudes 3.2.2.1 Knowledge of human trafficking Knowledge of TIP among community members in Tanzania was generally quite poor. A fifth of respondents had heard a lot about it, 45% had heard a little about it and 34% had heard nothing. Respondents in Arusha were more likely to have heard a lot about TIP than those in Tunduma (30% versus 10%) although this difference was not statistically significant. Women were more likely than men to have heard nothing (39% versus 28%). Men were almost twice as likely as women to have heard a lot about TIP (27% versus 15%). This suggests that men may discuss this topic more often than women. Respondents aged 50+ were more likely than younger age groups to have heard a lot about TIP (Figure 12). 19 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 12: Community members' knowledge of TIP by age, Tanzania Vehicle operators knew more about TIP than ordinary members of the community: 78% knew what TIP was, and 20% did not know. In Tunduma, where there were more HGV and long-distance vehicle operators, 81% of respondents said that they knew about TIP compared to 75% in Arusha. Eighty-five percent of bus operators, 85% of minibus operators, 83% of taxi (car) drivers, 80% of coach operators, 74% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle drivers) and 73% of HGV operators said that they knew what human trafficking is (Figure 13). Figure 13: Vehicle operators' knowledge of TIP, Tanzania More than half of the youngest age group of vehicle operators knew nothing about TIP compared to less than a quarter in the three older age groups (53% of respondents aged 18-24 did not know about TIP compared to 21%, 16% and 21% in the 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively). This may be due to their lack of exposure to TIP due to their age, or a lack of sensitisation. Older vehicle operators may have encountered TIP situations or discussions more than younger respondents or have had more opportunity to receive training or sensitisation. Almost all community members who had heard of TIP (96%) said that they thought it was a problem. This result was consistent across gender and age groups. Likewise, most vehicle operators (98%) said that TIP is a problem. There were no major differences by location or age. 3.2.2.2 Extent to which human trafficking discussed at community level Ninety percent of community members in Tanzania indicated that TIP was discussed at community level: 71% indicated that TIP was discussed a little at community level; 19% said that it was discussed a lot; and 9% said that it was never discussed. More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma indicated that TIP was discussed a lot (28% versus 7%). There were no major differences in responses by gender. A higher proportion of respondents in the age groups 25-34 and 35-49 compared to the age groups 18-24 years and 50+ said that TIP was discussed a lot at community level. The lack of frequency of discussion suggests that it did not appear to 20 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING be a major topic of interest or concern at community level. It is notable that in Tunduma more respondents said that TIP was discussed a little, whereas in Arusha more respondents said that it was discussed a lot. A subpopulation seemed to discuss TIP more often. 3.2.3 Scale and trends in human trafficking 3.2.3.1 Observation of TIP victims and size of problem Only 20% of community members in Tanzania (25% in Arusha and 14% in Tunduma) indicated that they had seen a victim of human trafficking. This seems to confirm that the problem is largely hidden from sight at community level. More respondents in Tunduma said that they did not know if they had seen victims of TIP (15% in Tunduma versus 2% in Arusha). This suggests that some community members in Tunduma appear to be uncomfortable or not confident in identifying victims. In Arusha there were more community members who had seen a victim of TIP. This could be due to an increased level of visibility of victims in the city or an increased ability of community members to identify potential victims. Only 20% (N=75) of community members (i.e. those who indicated that they had seen a victim of TIP) commented on the size of the TIP problem. Within this group of respondents 57% indicated that they had seen very few victims. Only 16% indicated that they had seen many victims. Community members in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to say that they had seen very few victims (74% versus 48%). This finding suggests that TIP is not very visible to many people in the community and the numbers involved are perceived to be low. However, it is also clear that there is a small population that sees many victims of TIP, especially in Arusha. In contrast, among vehicle operators, almost two thirds (63%) of respondents had seen suspected TIP cases. Fourteen percent said that they had seen many suspected cases; 14% said they had seen some; 35% said that they had seen very few cases; 16% said that they had seen none; and 22% said that they did not know (Figure 14). Figure 14: Suspected cases of TIP seen by vehicle operators, Tanzania Proportionately more coach and minibus operators than other categories of vehicle operator said that they had seen many or some victims of TIP (55% and 47% respectively versus 32% for motorcycle/tricycle taxi drivers, 21% for taxi car drivers, 19% for HGV operators and 18% for bus operators) (Figure 15). 14% 14% 1% 35% 16% 22% 0% 5% 10% 15% 20% 25% 30% 35% 40% Many Some Varies Very few None Don't know Suspected Cases of TIP Seen by Vehicle Operators, Tanzania 21 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 15: No. of cases of TIP seen by vehicle operators, Tanzania More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma had seen many cases of TIP (20% versus 7%) suggesting that there may be a higher volume of trafficking victims in this location compared to Tunduma. In Tunduma, 48% of vehicle operators said that they saw very few victims, which may indicate that they are either less present or less visible. Box 2: CSO Perspectives on Scale of TIP CSOs working on TIP in Tanzania offered some important insights on the scale of TIP. TIP was thought to be happening on a large scale. However, the absence of data means that awareness among the public is low. "Human trafficking is not a subject that is discussed and therefore people are not aware. There is a lot of trafficking that is happening in Tanzania." "The problem is there, and it largely affects the youth (6-25 years). Almost every other house has a maid that is potentially a victim of trafficking. There have been at least 50 boys and girls a week travelling to Zanzibar with the promise of work. The scale is massive but goes largely undocumented." 3.2.3.2 Perspectives on whether TIP is increasing or decreasing Among community members (N=384), just under half of respondents (47%) did not know if TIP was increasing or decreasing, showing a lack of awareness of the activity. Fourteen percent of respondents felt that TIP was increasing, and 38% felt that it was not increasing. In Arusha, 24% of respondents thought that TIP was increasing compared to 4% in Tunduma. More community members in Tunduma compared to Arusha stated that they did not know if TIP was increasing or decreasing (60% versus 33%), showing less awareness of the issue in that location. This result was statistically significant (p-value=0.001, α=0.05). More men than women thought that TIP was not increasing (42% versus 33%). More women than men did not know if TIP was increasing or decreasing (51% versus 42%). The youngest age group included in the study (18-24 years old) knew less than older age groups: of the youngest respondents 60% did not know if TIP was increasing or decreasing compared to 47%, 43% and 28% in the 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively. This age-related result is statistically significant (p-value=0.046, α=0.05). Only 54 community members (those who believed TIP was increasing) answered the question on the reasons why TIP was increasing. Of these, just under half (46%) mentioned that TIP was increasing due to rising unemployment; 28% due to rising social problems in families; and 20% due to more people wanting to live in urban areas to experience better living conditions. The answers were similar in Tunduma and Arusha. Based on these responses it appears that economic opportunity was the most significant motivation for TIP. However, the small group of respondents makes it difficult to draw any conclusions. 22 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Among vehicle operators, more than half (54%) said that TIP was decreasing; 15% said that it was increasing; 21% said that the scale had not changed; and 11% did not know. There were differences based on type of vehicle (Figure 16). For example, 54% of minibus drivers thought that TIP was either increasing or had stayed the same. In contrast, only 27% of HGV drivers thought that TIP was either increasing or had stayed the same. Figure 16: Vehicle operators' perspectives on TIP trends, Tanzania More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma said that TIP was decreasing (61% versus 47%). More respondents in Tunduma than Arusha thought that the scale had not changed (36% versus 5%). Overall, 75% of vehicle operators thought that TIP was either decreasing or had stayed the same in terms of scale in the context of COVID-19. As was the case with community members, only a small number of vehicle operators (N=56 or 15% of the vehicle operator sample in Tanzania) answered the question on the reasons why TIP was increasing. Over a third of vehicle operators attributed this to people wanting to live in urban areas and improve their living conditions; 30% attributed this to an increase in unemployment; and 29% to an increase in social problems in families. Only 4% directly attributed the increase in TIP to COVID-19. In Arusha, more respondents than in Tunduma thought that TIP was increasing due a rise in social problems in families (34% versus 17%), or due to a rise in unemployment (39% versus 11%). In Tunduma, more respondents than in Arusha indicated that TIP was increasing because people wanted to live in urban areas (61% versus 21%). Interestingly, 50% of respondents in the age group 18-24 said that TIP was increasing due to COVID-19 compared to 4%, 0% and 0% in the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+. Respondents in the two older age groups were more likely to mention social problems in families as a reason for the increase in TIP (39% and 38% in the 35-49 and 50+ age groups compared to 0% and 17% in the 18-24 and 25-34 age groups). It is notable that COVID-19 was not seen as a major contributor to the perceived increase in TIP, although rising employment was mentioned by 39% of respondents in Arusha. Lack of employment could be a secondary effect of COVID-19 . Both community members and vehicle operators were asked about the effect of COVID-19 on the number of TIP cases seen. Over two-thirds of community members (68%) indicated that they did not know how COVID19 was affecting the number of TIP victims. More respondents in Tunduma versus Arusha (82% versus 55%) indicated that they did not know. This locational difference is statistically significant (p-value=0.000, α=0.05). Of the remainder, 11% of respondents thought that the numbers were decreasing due to COVID-19; 9% thought that the numbers were increasing; and 11% thought that the numbers were staying the same. There were no major differences in responses by gender. The community responses indicate a generally low level of knowledge of TIP and a level of doubt about the impact of COVID-19 on TIP. Among vehicle operators, 49% said that they did not know how COVID-19 was affecting the scale of TIP; 25% said that the numbers were decreasing; 10% said the numbers were increasing; and 16% said that the numbers had stayed the same. Far more vehicle operators in Tunduma than in Arusha did not know how COVID-19 was affecting the scale of TIP (62% versus 35%). Interestingly, the youngest vehicle operators were more likely than other age groups to say that COVID-19 was increasing the number of people being trafficked 23 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING (41% among those aged 18-24 compared to 9%, 7% and 9% among those aged 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively) (Figure 17). Figure 17: Vehicle operators' views on impact of COVID-19 on no. of TIP victims, by age, Tanzania 3.2.4 Personal experience of human trafficking 3.2.4.1 Observation and interaction with TIP victims Community members were asked if they were aware of TIP victims from within their own community. The majority (80%) said that they were not aware; 14% of respondents said that they were aware of victims from their own community; and 5% did not know. More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma were aware of victims of TIP from their own community (17% versus 11%). There were no major differences by age group. These findings confirm that awareness of TIP is quite low within the population who live and/or work in border areas or along other HVT corridors. 3.2.4.2 Where TIP victims are seen Only a small percentage (N=72 or 19%) of community members commented on where victims of TIP are seen. Of this group, 28% said that trucks were where they saw the majority of suspected victims of TIP; 25% mentioned bus stations; and 13% mentioned buses or coaches (Figure 18). Streets and markets were more likely to be mentioned in Arusha and restaurants in Tunduma. More female than male respondents (31% versus 19%) mentioned bus stations; more male than female respondents (16% versus 9%) mentioned buses and coaches; and more male than female respondents (16% versus 11%) mentioned seeing the majority of victims at the market. Overall, trucks and bus stations were mentioned more than other locations as places where TIP victims are seen. 24 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 18: Locations where TIP victims seen by community members, Tanzania 3.2.4.3 Who TIP victims are Only a small percentage (N=75 or 20%) of community members commented on who the victims of TIP are. This is because very few respondents had seen a victim of TIP. Just under half (49%) of those who answered this question said that adolescent girls were the main victims of TIP, followed by adult women (25%), adolescent boys (17%) and children (8%). Only 4% of respondents said that adult men were victims. Respondents in Arusha were more likely than those in Tunduma to say that adult women were the main victims (35% versus 7%); in Tunduma, respondents were more likely than those in Arusha to say that adolescent boys were the main victims (33% versus 8%). The demographics of TIP victims therefore appears to vary between the two research sites. The literature indicates that many older male victims of TIP are unseen. These results appear to confirm this. Nevertheless, it is not possible to draw any conclusions from this finding because of the small number of respondents who answered this question. Community members were also asked where the majority of victims were from. Again, only 20% of community respondents answered this question (i.e. those who said that they had seen a victim of TIP). Of these, 69% thought that the victims were from a rural part of Tanzania; 15% indicated that they were from their own community; and 9% from another country in Africa. This suggests that many of the TIP victims seen by community members in Tanzania were thought to be domestic victims who were travelling from rural to urban areas. Among vehicle operators (N=385), 36% of respondents thought that adolescent boys were victims of TIP; 25% mentioned adolescent girls; 24% mentioned all ages; 7% mentioned mainly women and children; 5% mentioned adult women; and 2% did not know. Respondents in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to mention adolescent boys (57% versus 16%) and less likely to mention all ages (12% versus 35%). This may be due to there being higher demand for agricultural labour in Tunduma, or more adolescent boys originating from this area. In Arusha, more vehicle operators than in Tunduma mentioned that trafficking victims were all ages. This may be due to it being a metropolitan city that acts as a transit or destination city for many types of work. The difference between these results (with their emphasis on adolescent boys) and the community results is notable. Because vehicle operators are generally more exposed to victims of TIP than community members, the assertion that adolescent boys are caught up in TIP in a significant way may well be an accurate reflection of the situation on the ground. 25 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.2.4.4 Perception of how victims of TIP are exploited Community members who had seen a victim of TIP (N=54) were asked how the victims from their own communities were exploited. Over half (54%) believed victims had been exploited for sex work and 48% for domestic work. Other forms of exploitation mentioned were: 7% agricultural work, 2% construction work, 2% mining, and 2% forced marriage. Domestic work and sex work are by far the better-known forms of exploitation of human trafficking victims and hence these findings are not unexpected. More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma mentioned domestic work (59% versus 32%) and sex work (56% versus 50%). There were quite large differences by gender: 70% of men mentioned domestic work versus 32% of women whereas 77% of women and 22% of men mentioned sex work. This difference is statistically significant (p-value=0.017, α=0.05). Younger community members (i.e. those in the two youngest age groups of 18-24 years and 25-34 years) were more likely than older age groups to mention sex work (60% and 68% respectively versus 30% and 25% in the 35-49 and 50+ age groups). Older age groups were more likely than younger age groups to mention exploitation for domestic work. Community members were also asked about the forms of exploitation suffered by victims from outside their own community. The results were very similar to those suggested for local victims of TIP. Case studies of Tanzanian TIP survivors can be found in Appendix E. These stories show first-hand how victims were recruited and exploited, how they were transported, what victims encountered and their recommendations to policy makers. 3.2.4.5 Knowledge of how to identify victims Vehicle operators were asked if they knew how to identify victims of TIP. Just under a third (32%) said that they did not know how to recognise a victim of human trafficking; 23% indicated that it was by the way the victim behaved or looked; 18% said that they recognised victims because the victim spoke about their situation; 16% said that they recognised a victim because drivers spoke about them; 5% said that they were alerted because recruiters were present (Figure 19). There were differences by location: more vehicle operators in Arusha than Tunduma said that they did not know how to recognise a victim of TIP (46% versus 19%). This may indicate that TIP in Tunduma is more visible or is more easily spotted. This could be due to the larger flow of people into Arusha, a metropolitan city, compared to Tunduma, which is a border town. Figure 19: How vehicle operators recognise TIP victims, Tanzania 3.2.4.6 Interaction with victims of TIP Community members were asked if they had ever interacted with a victim of TIP. Nineteen percent said that they had interacted with a victim or victims of TIP; 76% had not; 4% said that they did not know. More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma said that they had interacted with a victim of TIP (24% versus 15%). Slightly more men than women had interacted with a victim (21% versus 18%). There were no major 26 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING differences between age groups. The fact that less than a fifth of community members had interacted with a victim or victims of TIP indicates that trafficking victims may be kept away from other people in the community, community members cannot identify victims, or there may be few TIP victims in the two research sites. 3.2.4.7 Assistance given to TIP victims Community members were asked if they had ever tried to help a victim of TIP. Fifteen percent (N=59) said that they had tried to help a victim of trafficking; 80% said that they had not; and 4% indicated that they did not know if they had or had not. Proportionately more respondents in Arusha than in Tunduma (22% versus 8%) said that they had tried to help a victim of TIP. Proportionately more men than women (19% versus 12%) said that they had tried to help a victim. Those in the oldest age group (50+) were more likely than younger age groups to say that they had tried to help a victim (21% versus 11%, 16% and 16% in the 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 year age groups). Considering the relatively low levels of knowledge or experience of TIP in Tanzania, the fact that 15% of respondents had tried to help a victim is positive. Of those who had tried to help a victim of TIP (N=59), just under half (49%) had given food or money; 17% had provided accommodation; 14% took the victim to a community leader; 8% took them to the police; 3% tried to counsel the victim; 2% helped the victim get back home; and 12% did not specify what support they had provided. More women than men had given accommodation (27% versus 9%); and more men than women took the victim to the police (12% versus 4%). 3.2.4.8 Community respondents' interactions with traffickers Community members were asked if they had been offered work or another opportunity by a suspected trafficker. Nine percent of community members said that they had been approached by a trafficker; 89% said that they had not; 1% did not know; and 1% did not say. Nine percent of respondents is quite high considering the low reported levels of knowledge of TIP in Tanzania. Three times as many women as men said that they had been approached (12% versus 4%), suggesting that females are targeted more frequently than males. Of the community members who had been approached by a trafficker (N=33), 42% were approached at their place of work; 27% in their home; and 12% at a bus stop. In Arusha, community members were more likely to be approached at home than those in Tunduma (44% versus 7%). Respondents in Tunduma were more likely to have been approached at their place of work (60% versus 29%). Many of the community respondents in Tanzania were business persons or sex workers and hence it is not surprising that a large proportion of those who had been approached by a trafficker were approached at their place of work. It is interesting to note that a large proportion of respondents in Arusha were approached at home. This may indicate that they were approached by family or friends who knew where they lived. Of those respondents (N=33) who said that they had been approached by a trafficker, 48% indicated that the trafficker wanted to send them to another country in Africa; 36% mentioned a city or town in Tanzania; and 9% mentioned another country outside Africa. Forty-two percent of women and 14% of men said the trafficker mentioned another urban area in Tanzania. A higher proportion of respondents in Arusha than Tunduma (56% versus 13%) mentioned that the trafficker wanted to send them to an urban area outside their home area. Domestic trafficking has been identified as the leading type of TIP in Tanzania. However, 57% of respondents who had been approached by a trafficker indicated that another country (in or outside Africa) had been discussed as the destination. Women were told more often than men that they would be sent to a city or town within Tanzania (in stark contrast to the situation in Uganda – see Section 3.3.4.8). Respondents in Tunduma were mainly approached to be sent to another country outside Africa, while those in Arusha were told that they would be moved to another city or town in Tanzania. This finding is interesting as generally TIP victims are thought to travel from rural to urban areas. Arusha is a large city and hence it is interesting that community members were told that their destination would be another urban area within Tanzania. 3.2.5 Organisation of human trafficking Among community members, 33% of respondents indicated that other community members were involved in organising TIP; 33% mentioned organised crime groups; 22% mentioned members of the victim's family; 4% 27 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING mentioned community leaders; 2% mentioned government officials; and 2% mentioned organised businesses. Overall, 55% of respondents mentioned either other community members or the victim's own family. There were some clear differences in perceptions about who is involved in organising TIP based on location, with a stronger emphasis on organised crime groups in Tunduma, which is a border town. In Arusha, 80% of community members mentioned other community members or the victim's family compared to 31% in Tunduma. In Tunduma, 62% of community members thought that organised crime groups were involved in organising TIP compared to only 4% in Arusha. Women were more likely to mention community members' involvement in TIP than men (37% versus 29%), while 30% of women mentioned organised crime groups compared to 37% of men (Figure 20). These are interesting results and suggest that organised crime groups may be more active and/or visible in border areas. Figure 20: Community members' views on who is involved in organisation of TIP, Tanzania 3.2.6 Role of community in human trafficking Community members were asked whether they knew of anyone in the community who was involved in TIP. Only 5% said that they knew of other people in the community who were involved in TIP; 78% said that they did not know anyone; and 16% said that they were not sure. There were differences based on location: 68% of community members in Tunduma said that they did not know of anyone in the community who was involved in TIP compared to 88% in Arusha. More respondents in Tunduma were not sure compared to Arusha (27% versus 5%). There were no major differences by gender. Older age groups were more likely to say that they did not know anyone in the community who was involved in TIP (91%, 85%, 75%, 72% for those 50+, 35-49, 24-35 and 18-24 years old respectively). These results suggest that community members' first-hand experience of traffickers at community level is low. This could be because those involved in TIP do not confide in other community members about their activities as traffickers, or community members may not be involved in trafficking activities in the Tanzania research sites. However, community members' responses about those involved in TIP (Section 3.2.5) tell a slightly different story – one where ordinary members of the community are suspicious that other members of the community are involved. 28 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Those community members who said that they knew of other community members involved in TIP (N=20) were asked what role they played. The activity that was most likely to be mentioned was victim recruitment. Eighty percent of this small group of respondents said that those involved in TIP gained financially or were given gifts for being involved in TIP. 3.2.7 Role of vehicle operators in human trafficking 3.2.7.1 Knowledge of vehicles using HVT corridors Community members were asked which vehicles used the nearby HVT corridor. Thirty-nine percent of respondents indicated that large trucks used the road; 30% mentioned coaches; 22% mentioned buses; and 9% mentioned motorcycle and tricycle taxis. There were differences based on location: respondents based in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha (59% versus 19%) to mention large trucks. This difference is statistically significant (p-value=0.000, α=0.05). Respondents in Tunduma were less likely (8% versus 53%) to mention coaches. This difference is also statistically significant (p-value=0.001, α=0.05). While 30% of respondents in Tunduma mentioned buses, only 14% of those in Arusha did so (Figure 21). These differences probably reflect the fact that Arusha is a city and Tunduma is a border post. Figure 21: Community members' views on type of vehicles using HVT corridor by location, Tanzania Responses by gender were quite similar. However, women were more likely than men to mention motorcycle and tricycle taxis (15% versus 2%). The youngest and oldest respondents (i.e. those aged 18-24 and 50+) were more likely than other age groups (i.e. 25-34 and 35-49 years) to mention large trucks (52% and 47% versus 33% and 36%). The two youngest age groups (i.e. 18-24 and 25-34 years) were more likely than the older age groups to mention motorcycle and tricycle taxis. Community members confirmed that larger vehicles (e.g. HGVs, buses and coaches) were more likely than smaller vehicles (e.g. private cars, taxis and boda bodas) to use the HVT corridors. They also confirmed that Tunduma, a border town, has much higher volumes of HGVs and buses while Arusha, a large city, has more coaches and motorcycle taxis. 3.2.7.2 Extent to which vehicle operators are involved in TIP Only 25% of community members thought that any of the drivers using the HVT corridor were involved in TIP; 30% indicated that they were not; and 45% indicated that they did not know. There were differences based on location: more community members in Arusha than Tunduma thought that drivers were involved in TIP (37% versus 13%) (Figure 22). This difference is statistically significant (p-value=0.0028, α=0.05). 16% 14% 53% 19% 3% 1% 2% 30% 8% 59% 1% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% M/cycle / tricycle taxis Buses Coaches HGVs Other taxis All types Private cars Community Views on Type of Vehicles That Use HVT Corridor, By Location, Tanzania Arusha Tunduma 29 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 22: Community members' views on driver involvement in TIP by location, Tanzania More community members in Tunduma than Arusha indicated that they did not know if drivers were involved in TIP (65% versus 25%). This difference is statistically significant (p-value=0.000, α=0.05). A higher proportion of men than women thought that drivers using the HVT corridor were not involved in TIP (38% versus 23%) and more women than men said that they did not know (50% versus 39%). Those in the youngest age group (18-24 years) were more likely than other age groups to say that they did not know if drivers using the large road were involved in TIP (56% versus 45%, 38% and 40% for those aged 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). Community members were also asked which drivers who used the nearby HVT corridor were involved in TIP. Of the respondents who answered this question (N=95, equivalent to 25% of the community sample in Tanzania), 55% indicated that drivers of large trucks were more likely to be involved in TIP; 24% said bus drivers; 11% said coach drivers; and 12% said that all types of drivers were involved. While 69% of men said that drivers of large trucks were involved, 45% of women gave this response. Women were more likely than men to report that all types of drivers were involved in TIP (18% versus 3%) (Figure 23). Those in the youngest age group (18-24 years) were more likely than other age groups to say that bus drivers were involved in TIP (47% versus 20%, 26% and 0% for those aged 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). It is interesting that HGVs were most often thought to be associated with TIP, followed by bus drivers, and that coaches were not thought to be widely involved. 30 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 23: Community members' views on drivers involved in TIP by gender, Tanzania Vehicle operators were also asked which vehicles were most likely to be involved in TIP along the HVT corridors. Just over half of the respondents (53%) said that HGVs were most likely to be involved in TIP; 21% said buses; and 16% said minibuses. Only 3% said taxis (both cars and motorcycles/tricycles). More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma said that HGVs were more likely to be involved (60% versus 46%) and more respondents in Tunduma said that minibuses were more likely to be involved (24% versus 6%) as well as buses (28% versus 14%). Respondents in Arusha were more likely to report a variety of vehicles alongside HGVs, reflecting the range of vehicles that are operational in the city (Figure 24). Respondents aged 25-34 were less likely than other age groups to think that HGVs were most likely to be involved (36% versus 56%, 60% and 72% for the 18-24, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively). Figure 24: Vehicle operators' views on vehicles most likely involved in TIP, Tanzania 31 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING When broken down by type of vehicle driven/associated with, the results relating to vehicle operators are interesting. Bus, HGV and minibus operators were more likely to think that the type of vehicle that they drove was the primary vehicle type involved in TIP. However, taxi drivers felt differently and said that HGVs, buses and coaches were more likely to be involved (Figure 25). Figure 25: Vehicle operators' views on vehicles most likely to be involved in TIP by vehicle operated, Tanzania Box 3: CSO Perspectives on Vehicles Involved in TIP CSOs working on TIP in Tanzania thought that buses and trucks were important in TIP and that other types of transport were used for short parts of a trafficking journey: "Trucks followed by buses for long-distance trafficking. Other modes of transport are involved but only for short parts of the route such as to get across a border." "Most cases they use buses." "Trafficked victims often hitchhike voluntarily on HGVs." "Bus drivers first, then truck drivers." "Boda bodas and Bajajs at the bus terminals…are often the ones that pick the victims to their locations." "Least of all truck drivers." 3.2.7.3 Locations where vehicle operators are approached Vehicle operators were asked about the locations where drivers, conductors and turnboys were approached by traffickers. Just over a quarter (26%) of respondents indicated that bus stations were where drivers were likely to be approached by traffickers; 25% said border crossings; 15% said pre-arranged meetings in private dwellings; 15% said rural areas; and 14% said truck stops. Differences based on vehicle type driven/associated with can be seen in Figure 26. The figure shows that private dwellings were an important location for drivers to be invited to participate in TIP. Bus stations were important locations for bus drivers and minibus drivers. 32 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Interestingly, border crossings were important locations for car and motorcycle/tricycle taxis. It is possible that taxis solicit for TIP-related business at border crossings. Figure 26: Locations where vehicle operators approached by traffickers, Tanzania Vehicle operators in Arusha were more likely than those in Tunduma to mention border crossings (38% versus 12%) or rural areas (26% versus 3%). Vehicle operators in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to mention bus stations (36% versus 16%) and truck stops (25% versus 4%) (Figure 27). More respondents in the oldest age group (50+) mentioned truck stops compared to younger vehicle operators (42% versus 13%, 5% and 12% in the 18-24, 25-34, and 35-49 age groups respectively). Figure 27: Locations where vehicle operators approached by traffickers by research site, Tanzania 33 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Bus stations and border crossings were therefore the locations that were mentioned the most as places where vehicle operators were most likely to be approached by traffickers. However, there were quite large differences based on location. It is interesting that 12% of vehicle operators in Tunduma felt that drivers were approached at border crossings, compared to 38% in Arusha, as the Tunduma respondents might be expected to be more likely to observe this as they lived in a border town. 3.2.7.4 Perception of risk and understanding of sanctions Vehicle operators were asked their views on how much risk drivers perceived when they became involved in TIP. The majority (78%) of respondents said that drivers knew that there was a lot of risk involved in TIP; 10% said that drivers saw little risk in being involved; and 10% were not sure. A breakdown of responses by type of vehicle associated with can be found in Figure 28. These results show that awareness of the risks involved in participating in TIP was perceived to be high, especially among coach and minibus drivers. Figure 28: Drivers' perception of risk when involved in TIP, Tanzania There were no major differences in responses by location. Vehicle operators in the 18-24 age group were more likely to be unsure about what other drivers thought. This result suggests that, in general, knowledge of the risks involved in facilitating TIP is high. Vehicle operators were also asked what happens to drivers, conductors or turnboys who were caught trafficking people. Knowledge of the legal ramifications of being involved in TIP was very high among vehicle operators in Tanzania. Eighty-five percent of vehicle operators said that drivers, conductors or turnboys could be prosecuted and imprisoned if caught trafficking people. Nine percent said that those involved could be sacked and 6% said that they could be fined. The lack of emphasis on fines is interesting in a context where prosecution for TIP often involves a fine as opposed to imprisonment. More respondents in Tunduma than in Arusha mentioned that a vehicle operator could be sacked if caught (15% versus 4%). The latter may be because there were more HGV respondents in that location. 3.2.7.5 Motivation for being involved in TIP Those community members who thought that some drivers using the HVT corridor were involved in TIP (N=95, equivalent to 25% of the community sample) were asked about drivers' motivation. Eighty-four percent thought that the drivers wanted to do a favour for a friend. Respondents in Arusha were more likely to think that drivers were doing a favour for a friend than those in Tunduma (90% versus 67%). There were no major differences by gender. This finding suggests that most community members did not perceive drivers to be badly intentioned when participating in TIP. It may also be the case that many community members were not fully aware of the legal ramifications of being involved in TIP. 34 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Among vehicle operators, 90% said that financial gain was the main reason why drivers transported TIP victims, and 9% said it was due to a lack of knowledge or understanding that human trafficking is a crime. More respondents in Tunduma than Arusha said that financial gain was the main reason (95% versus 84%). More respondents in the age group 18-24 than in other age groups attributed drivers' involvement in TIP to a lack of knowledge and understanding (24% versus 7%, 10% and 6% in the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). This may reflect their own lack of understanding of and exposure to TIP. Among vehicle operators financial gain was perceived to be a major driver behind drivers', conductors' and turnboys' involvement in TIP. This finding contrasts strongly to what community respondents in Tanzania felt motivated drivers. Considering that the majority of vehicle operators are drivers, it is more likely that this is the true motivation of drivers. Further exploration of why community members perceive driver motivation to be based on doing favours for others will be crucial. 3.2.7.6 Level of organisation Community members who thought that some drivers using the HVT corridor were involved in TIP (N=95, equivalent to 25% of the community sample) were asked if the drivers knew what they were doing. Of this group, 79% of respondents thought that the drivers were aware of what they were doing; 16% felt that they were unaware of what they were doing. In this group, 59% thought that the drivers worked in groups or with others, and 34% thought that they worked on their own. More women than men thought that drivers worked on their own (39% versus 26%). Those aged 50+ were more likely than younger age groups to say that drivers worked on their own (57% versus 35%, 29% and 37% in the 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 age groups respectively). Interestingly, 73% of respondents said that drivers who were involved in TIP were well organised; 18% said that they were not well organised; and 6% did not know. A higher proportion of respondents in Arusha than in Tunduma indicated that drivers were not well organised (23% versus 4%). Those aged 50+ were more likely than younger age groups to argue that drivers involved in TIP were not well organised (29% versus 12%, 18% and 16% for the age groups 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 respectively). Although this is a small sample (N=95), it is interesting to note that even though many community members thought that drivers involved in TIP were doing a favour for a friend, many also indicated that drivers worked in groups and were well organised. Working with others and being well organised are somewhat contradictory to the idea of doing a favour for a friend (which implies a one-off activity). Among vehicle operators, 55% thought that drivers who were involved in TIP did this without the knowledge and support of the companies or people that they worked for; 24% thought that drivers who were involved in TIP did so with the knowledge of the company/people they worked for; and 21% did not know. Findings based on vehicle type can be found in Figure 29. While 81% of minibus operators thought that drivers involved in TIP worked without the knowledge of their employers, only 42% of bus operators thought this was the case. It is worth noting that many minibus operators hire their vehicle and hence are effectively self-employed. These respondents may have thought of the minibus owner as "the employer" and considered that they took no interest in the work of the minibus beyond receiving the rental fee. More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma thought that drivers worked with the knowledge of the people or companies they worked for (27% versus 20%). More of the 50+ age group than other age group thought that drivers worked independently (63% versus 41%, 59% and 50% for the age groups 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 respectively). 35 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 29: Vehicle operators' views on whether drivers involved in TIP without knowledge of employer, Tanzania Box 4: Human Trafficking CSOs' Perspectives on Vehicle Operators' Awareness of their Involvement in TIP Human trafficking CSOs were more "charitable" than other respondents about whether vehicle operators involved in TIP were fully aware of what they were doing. The general sense was that even if drivers and their co-workers were aware that they were involved in TIP, they did not fully understand the implications. "I think that in many if not most cases, the awareness is so low that they do not understand the full implications of what they are doing." "Definitely not. They know it's a bad thing, but they don't necessarily know that when someone asks them to transport someone from here to here, that they are participating in the process. I suppose for some they do understand but the extra money is worth the risk for them." "It might be that in many cases drivers are contributing to the problem unwittingly." "Those involved are certainly aware they are taking a risk. However, in many more cases they are probably not aware they are doing anything wrong." 3.2.7.7 Personal involvement of vehicle operators in TIP Vehicle operators were asked if they had ever been asked to transport a victim of TIP. Ninety percent said that they had never been asked and 9% indicated that they had been asked. Thirty percent of coach operators (noting sample size is N=30), 11% of HGV operators, 8% of minibus operators, 5% of bus operators, 4% of taxi (car) drivers and 2% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers said that they had been asked to transport a victim of TIP (Figure 30). 36 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 30: Vehicle operators ever asked to transport a TIP victim, Tanzania There were no major differences by location. Those in the oldest age group (50+) were less likely than those in other age groups to have been asked to transport a victim of TIP (4% versus 12%, 9% and 11% for the 18- 24,25-34 and 35-49 age groups respectively). Because only a small percentage of vehicle operators had been approached by a trafficker and asked to transport a victim, this could indicate that those who transport victims use their own or previously arranged transport to move victims instead of approaching drivers that they are not familiar with. Drivers who are involved or have been approached may also not be willing to reveal this. Of those vehicle operators who said that they had been approached and asked to transport a victim of TIP (N=35), 23% were approached by the victim, 23% by a member of the victim's family, 23% by a suspected trafficker and 17% by another driver. Fourteen percent of respondents did not answer the question. It is interesting to note that 46% of vehicle operators had been approached by the victim or the victim's family. It is possible that victims may have been unaware they were being trafficked and therefore arranged their own transport. This finding also seems to confirm the role of families in the trafficking of TIP victims. Of those vehicle operators who had been approached and asked to transport a TIP victim (N=35), 69% were offered money or a gift; 20% said that they were not offered money or a gift; 6% could not remember; and 6% did not answer the question. Respondents in Arusha were more likely than those in Tunduma to say that they had not been offered money or a gift (35% versus 6%). Because the number of respondents who indicated that they had been approached by a trafficker is so small, it is not possible to draw any conclusions from these results. The offer of a gift could imply a fragmented trafficking network where traffickers approach drivers more randomly "for a favour". More than half (54%) of the vehicle operators who had been approached by a trafficker said that they were aware of the repercussions if caught by the police; 34% said that they were not aware; 3% said that they were partly aware; and 9% did not answer the question. Just under three quarters (74%) of respondents who had been approached by a trafficker in the past (N=35) indicated that they would not agree to transport a TIP victim in the future; 11% said that they would; 6% said that they did not know; 3% said that they did not wish to say; and 6% did not answer the question. More 37 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING respondents in Arusha than in Tunduma said that they would transport a TIP victim in the future (18% versus 6%). Younger respondents were more likely than older respondents to say that they would transport a TIP victim in the future (50% in the 18-24 age group versus 14%, 6% and 0% in the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). It is worth noting that since the number of respondents answering this question was so small (N=35), it is difficult to draw any firm conclusions from these findings. Based on the data that is available, however, it appears that many vehicle operators are not interested in transporting victims of TIP. However, if the percentage of those who indicated that they would transport a victim in the future is added to those who said they did not know, those who did not wish to say and those who did not answer the question, there could be as many as 26% of respondents who could choose to be involved in the future. Of the vehicle operators who had previously been approached by a trafficker and who stated that they did not wish to be involved in TIP in the future (N=26), more than half (58%) cited high risk as a reason to not get involved; 12% mentioned moral reasons; 12% mentioned that their employer would not approve; and 15% did not answer the question. Respondents in Tunduma were more concerned about high risk than those in Arusha (67% versus 45%) and more likely to say that their employer would disapprove (20% versus 0%). Although the sample is small, it appears that many vehicle operators who have been approached by traffickers in the past are dissuaded by the potential consequences of TIP as well as moral reasons. 3.2.7.8 Effect of COVID-19 on vehicle operators involved in TIP Community members were asked whether COVID-19 was increasing drivers' involvement in TIP. More than half of respondents (55%) did not know what effect COVID-19 had on drivers' involvement. Twenty-one percent indicated that drivers were less likely to be involved; 16% that they were more likely; and 8% that COVID-19 had no effect on their involvement. Far more respondents in Tunduma indicated that they did not know what impact COVID-19 has had on drivers' involvement in TIP (Figure 31). This reflects the generally lower knowledge of TIP among Tunduma respondents. Younger (18-24) and older (50+) age groups were more likely than other age groups to say that they did not know about the impact of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP. Figure 31: Community members' views on driver involvement in TIP in context of COVID-19, Tanzania Considering the high percentage of community respondents who knew very little about TIP (45% of community members had heard a little about TIP and 34% had heard nothing), the fact that more than half of the respondents said that they did not know about the impact of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP is to be expected. Among vehicle operators, there were mixed responses to the question about the impact of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP, with quite a large number of respondents unable to say what the impact had been. Less than a fifth (19%) said drivers were less likely to be involved in TIP due to COVID-19; 6% said more likely; 34% said that COVID-19 has not had any effect on drivers' involvement; and 40% said that they did not 38 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING know if COVID-19 had had an effect. Minibus operators seemed to be less certain than other types of vehicle operator about the impact of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP. Just under a third (32%) of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers and 33% of taxi (car) drivers thought that drivers were less likely to be involved in TIP because of COVID-19 compared to 20%, 18%, 16% and 5% for minibus operators, bus operators, HGV operators and coach operators respectively. Over half (54%) of minibus operators, 43% of HGV operators, 35% of bus operators and 32% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers said that they did not know whether drivers were more or less likely to be involved in TIP due to COVID-19 (Figure 32). Figure 32: Vehicle operators' views on effect of COVID-19 on driver involvement in TIP, Tanzania There were differences based on location: more vehicle operators in Tunduma than in Arusha did not know what effect COVID-19 had had on drivers' involvement in TIP (57% versus 22%); more respondents in Arusha than Tunduma thought that COVID-19 had had no effect (40% versus 28%); and more respondents in Arusha than Tunduma thought that drivers were more likely to be involved in TIP due to COVID-19 (12% versus 1%) (Figure 33). Vehicle operators aged 18-24 were more likely than other age groups to say that drivers were more likely to be involved in TIP due to COVID-19 (35% compared to 7%, 4% and 4% for the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+). These results indicate that COVID-19 was generally not associated with a change in trafficking activities by respondents. It is interesting to note that Arusha was a "hotspot" for COVID-19 early in the pandemic and coronavirus was more visible as an issue in part due to tourism. 39 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 33: Vehicle operators' views on effect of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP by location, Tanzania Box 5: CSO Perspectives on Effect of COVID-19 on TIP Like community members and vehicle operators, CSOs working on TIP in Tanzania also had different opinions about the effect of COVID-19 on human trafficking: "I think there would be a decrease in trafficking as a result of COVID-19 due to the fact that the virus is thought by most people to be worse in towns and big cities – therefore I think there are less people wanting to go to these places." "I think that human trafficking numbers have increased during the COVID-19 pandemic largely due to an increase in unemployment. This has made people more vulnerable to trafficking as there is greater willingness to work away from home or in other countries in search of employment opportunities." "There has been a reduction of the number of human trafficking cases during the COVID-19 period." 3.2.8 Role of border officials in human trafficking 3.2.8.1 Extent to which communities interact with border control officials Community members were asked if they had any interactions with border control officials. The vast majority (82%) said they did not. Only 2% said that they did and 14% were not sure. These findings suggest that community perceptions about border control officials – the work they do and their involvement in TIP – are probably very subjective. 3.2.8.2 Vehicle operators' perceptions of border post checks Vehicle operators were asked how often border control officials checked their vehicles. Slightly less than half (46%) said that border control officials always checked their vehicles; 13% said that they sometimes checked vehicles; 16% said that they did not know; 3% said that they never checked their vehicle; and 22% did not answer the question. The fact that nearly half of respondents reported that border officials "always" checked their vehicle and very few reported that they were never checked indicates that there is a relatively high probability of having a vehicle checked. This may influence the vehicle operator's decision to be involved in TIP. However, it might be considered unusual that quite a few respondents (43% in Tunduma and 1% in Arusha) declined to answer this question. An analysis of findings by type of vehicle driven provides further insights into the activities of border control officials (Figure 34). In terms of vehicles ever being checked, 95% of HGV operators, 90% of coach operators, 54% of taxi (car) drivers, 27% of minibus operators, 19% of taxi (motorcycles/tricycles) drivers and 10% of bus operators indicated that border officials always or sometimes checked their vehicle at border posts. These 40 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING results suggest that certain types of vehicle are not routinely (or even occasionally) checked at border posts – taxis, minibuses and buses in particular. If border posts are to play a more effective role in combatting TIP, all types of vehicle need to be checked either routinely or via spot checks. There is a significant relationship between the frequency of border checks and the type of vehicle driven (p-value=0.000, α=0.05). Figure 34: Frequency of vehicle checks by border officials by type of vehicle, Tanzania The relationship between long- and short-distance drivers and the frequency of checks was explored. Eightyfive percent of respondents who said that their vehicle was never checked were short-distance drivers. Eighty percent of long-distance operators, 53% of operators who did both long- and short-distance journeys, and 15% of short-distance operators indicated that border officials always checked their vehicles. Ninety-four percent of long-distance operators, 21% of short-distance operators and 89% of operators who did both longand short-distance journeys indicated that border officials always or sometimes checked their vehicles (Figure 35). These findings show that short-distance operators were seldom checked at border posts. This provides an opportunity for traffickers to utilise these vehicles at relatively low risk. Effectively combatting TIP will involve stepping up checks on short-distance drivers at (or in the vicinity of) border posts. Figure 35: Frequency of vehicle checks by border officials by distance driven, Tanzania 41 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Vehicle operators were also asked whether the checks carried out by border control officials were thorough. Only 59% of respondents (N=227) answered this question. Over half (56%) of vehicle operators said that the checks carried out by border officials were always thorough; 33% said that they were sometimes thorough; 9% said that they were never thorough; and 2% did not know. More respondents in Tunduma than in Arusha said that the checks were always thorough (68% versus 45%). Older respondents in the 50+ age group were more likely to say that the checks carried out by border control officials were always thorough (73% versus 42%, 57% and 49% in the 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 age groups respectively). The fact that 89% of vehicle operators in Tanzania said that border checks were either always or sometimes thorough indicates that border control officials are quite active when they decide to check a vehicle. Results by vehicle type provide further insights into vehicle operators' perspectives on the thoroughness of vehicle checks (Figure 36). Eighty percent of coach operators said that border checks were always or sometimes thorough while only 18% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers said that border checks were always or sometimes thorough. These results imply that even when some types of vehicles are checked, the checks may not be as thorough as those done on HGVs, for example. Figure 36: Vehicle operators' views on thoroughness of vehicle checks by border officials, Tanzania In relation to long- and short-distance operators, 88% of long-distance operators indicated that border checks were always or sometimes thorough and 37% of short-distance operators indicated that border checks were always or sometimes thorough. These findings indicate that there may be differences in the way border checks are carried out, depending on the length of journey undertaken. Once again, this provides shortdistance vehicles that are involved in TIP opportunities to avoid scrutiny at border posts. 3.2.8.3 Passenger checks at border posts Vehicle operators were asked how often border control officials checked passengers' ID. Fifty-nine percent (N=227) of vehicle operators answered this question. Just under half of respondents (49%) said that border control officials always or frequently checked passengers' ID; 28% said that they sometimes did this; 19% said that they never did this; and 3% did not know. Respondents in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to say that border control officials always or frequently checked passengers' ID (61% versus 38%). These responses seem to indicate that some border control officials do not carry out sufficient checks on passengers. However, it is possible that the respondents interviewed in Tunduma, where there is a border crossing, are more knowledgeable about the activities of border officials than those in Arusha, where there is no border crossing. When analysed by type of vehicle driven/associated with, 70% of coach operators, 56% of bus operators, 53% of HGV operators, 38% of taxi (car) drivers, 31% of minibus operators and 26% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers indicated that border officials always or sometimes checked passengers' ID documents. These findings imply that victims of TIP are far less likely to be intercepted if they use a minibus or taxi. Ensuring that these vehicles are targets for border control officials could be an important step in combatting TIP. 40% 62% 31% 13% 9% 33% 10% 7% 3% 4% 23% 44% 40% 27% 17% 38% 9% 22% 10% 4% 48% 46% 60% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Bus Coach HGV Minibus Taxi (car) Taxi (mbike/tricycle) Vehicle Operator Views on Thoroughness of Vehicle Checks by Border Officials by Vehicle Operated, Tanzania Always Never Sometimes Don't know 42 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.2.8.4 Role played by border officials in human trafficking Of the small number of community members who said that they interacted with border control officers (eight out of 384 respondents) five said that they thought these officials played a role in TIP, two said that they did not, and one respondent did not know. The same community members were asked why border control officers played a role in TIP. Five said that they wanted to "make money/take bribes". The other three respondents did not answer the question. The small size of the sample means that it is not possible to draw any conclusions from these findings. Vehicle operators were also asked how border control officials were involved in TIP. Seventy-eight percent (N=299) of respondents answered this question. Quite a high proportion (38%) of vehicle operators thought that border officials took bribes to facilitate TIP; 8% thought that they had some sort of an agreement with traffickers; 5% said that they turned a blind eye to trafficking; and 2% said that border officials were the traffickers. Slightly less than a fifth of respondents (19%) said that border officials were not involved in TIP; 29% said that they did not know what their role was. Respondents in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to say that border officials were not involved in TIP (31% versus 12%). Respondents aged 50+ were more likely than other age groups to say that border officials were not involved in TIP (37% versus 13%, 13% and 13% for the age groups 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 respectively). These findings show that over half of respondents (53%) thought that border officials were involved in some way in TIP, either by actively facilitating it or by turning a blind eye. However, two and a half times as many respondents in Tunduma than Arusha thought that border officials were not involved in TIP. This is an interesting result since there are more border officials in Tunduma. Analysis of the views of HGV drivers who answered this question (N=170) found that 42% thought that border control officials took money or bribes from traffickers; 24% did not know; and 25% thought that border officials were not involved in TIP. It is unclear whether these findings reflect experience or are based on speculation. Box 6: Human Trafficking CSOs' Perspectives on Role of Border Control Officers in TIP Human trafficking CSOs had some interesting perspectives on the role of border control officials in TIP, ranging from the idea that it was not their role to proactively follow up suspected cases to the understanding that they were prone to corruption and may therefore be complicit: "[Management of] trafficking is not really enforced. The main challenges being corruption and a lack of awareness." "[There is] low capacity to enforce – limited funds and what funds they do have – other areas are prioritised. [Border control officers] find a child in a truck and they do nothing. They are too susceptible to payment." "I don't think they are really that involved in actively facilitating human trafficking, but many are corrupt so are willing to turn a blind eye for payment which you could say is facilitating." "[Border officials] potentially play a big role. I have heard that there are corrupt officials and that they are often willing to take bribes to supplement their income." "It is not the business of border control officers to know where people are coming from or what people are crossing to do." "For personal gain some can be involved, often in the form of money – kick-backs." 3.2.8.5 Support needed by border officials Vehicle operators were asked about the support that border control officials needed to combat TIP. Seventyseven percent (N=295) of respondents answered this question. Thirty-seven percent said that better or additional training would help border officials do more to tackle TIP; 20% mentioned better supervision; 15% mentioned better pay; and 13% mentioned the need to increase the number of border officials. Better pay 43 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING was more often mentioned in Tunduma (31%) than in Arusha (5%). Just over a quarter (26%) of vehicle operators in Arusha compared to 9% in Tunduma said that better supervision would help border officials do more to tackle TIP. More respondents in Tunduma than Arusha mentioned better training (49% versus 30%). These findings show that there were different views in Tunduma and Arusha on what border control officials required to perform better in relation to TIP. This may be due to different experiences or level of interaction with border officials at the two research sites. 3.2.9 Role of traffic police in human trafficking 3.2.9.1 Perspectives on how traffic police facilitate TIP Community members were asked whether traffic police play a role in TIP. Less than half (46%) of respondents felt that they did not play a role; 21% thought that they did play a role in TIP; and 33% did not know. There were differences based on location: 34% of respondents in Arusha thought that the traffic police were involved in TIP compared to 7% in Tunduma. Slightly more women than men (36% versus 29%) did not know if the traffic police were involved in TIP. It is interesting to note that considerably more community respondents (100% versus 2%) answered the question about the role of traffic police in TIP versus the role of border control officials. Very few community members said that they interacted with border control officials (see Section 3.2.8.1) and hence it is likely that they did not know about their activities. Community members were also asked how traffic police played a role in TIP. Only 21% of respondents (N=79) answered this question. Eighty-one percent of respondents indicated that traffic police played a role in TIP because they wanted to make money; 18% said that they played a role by failing to carry out proper checks. More men than women indicated that traffic police were involved because they wanted to make money (91% versus 73%). These findings are difficult to draw any conclusions from because the number of respondents who answered this question was small. However, as with to border control officials, the majority of community respondents who answered this question felt that the traffic police who were involved in TIP did so for financial gain. Vehicle operators were asked whether traffic police did enough to help tackle TIP. Half of the respondents felt that they did not do enough; 42% felt that they did enough; and 7% did not know. Vehicle operators in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to have a positive perception of traffic police and their role in tackling TIP (50% of respondents in Tunduma thought they did enough versus 33% in Arusha). Older respondents were more likely to state that traffic police did enough to tackle TIP (60% in the 50+ age group and 47% in the 35-49 age group versus 29% and 30% in the 18-24 and 25-34 age groups respectively). When analysed by vehicle type, 55% of HGV operators, 44% of bus operators, 25% of coach operators, 22% of minibus operators, 30% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers and 29% of taxi (car) drivers thought that the traffic police did enough to help combat TIP. These results show that confidence in the traffic police in terms of their role in combatting TIP was quite low. They also imply that traffic police need to do more to convince vehicle operators (and the public in general) that they are proactively taking steps to tackle TIP. Vehicle operators were also asked how traffic police were involved in TIP. Forty percent of respondents said that traffic police took money or gifts; 6% that they turned a blind eye; and 5% that they had agreements with traffickers. This means that over half (51%) of respondents indicated that they thought traffic police were actively or passively involved in TIP in some way. Less than a third (27%) of respondents said that traffic police were not involved in TIP; 22% said that they did not know how they were involved. The results were quite similar among all categories of driver. Less than a third of respondents thought that traffic police were not involved in TIP. Except for bus operators (47%), over 50% of vehicle operators in all categories thought that traffic police were involved in TIP, either directly or by being negligent. More respondents in Tunduma than in Arusha (27% versus 17%) indicated that they did not know how traffic police were involved (Figure 37). 44 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 37: Vehicle operators' views on how traffic police are involved in TIP by location, Tanzania Younger respondents (i.e. those in the 18-24 age group) were more likely than older respondents to not know how traffic police were involved in TIP (44% versus 23%, 21% and 19% for those in the 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively). More of the older respondents (i.e. those in the 50+ age group) felt that traffic police were not involved in TIP (37% versus 25%, 29% and 20% for those in the 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 age groups respectively). These results show that over half of vehicle operators thought that traffic police were involved in some way in facilitating TIP. Further research is required to understand more about whether traffic police are negligent in terms of undertaking a low level of checks and/or are not thorough when carrying out their checks or are more actively involved in TIP. Box 7: CSO Perspectives on Role of Traffic Police in TIP Human trafficking CSOs shared their concerns about a lack of awareness of TIP among traffic police officers. There were concerns about lack of awareness, corruption, and TIP lying outside officers' primary mandate: "Traffic police have a lack of awareness on human trafficking hence they may not be able to identify a human trafficking scenario. It is also well known that some traffic police are prone to accepting bribes [so that traffickers can] escape punishment." "Traffic police are not immigration officers. Hence most of them won't give priority into this area. It would be a peripheral issue for most of them." 3.2.9.2 Passenger checks by traffic police Vehicle operators were asked how often traffic police checked passengers' identification papers. Twentythree percent of respondents said that traffic police always or frequently checked passengers' ID; 32% said that they sometimes checked these; and 42% said that they never checked identification documents. When analysed by vehicle type, the results are interesting (Figure 38). Only 40% of HGV operators, 15% of coach operators, 12% of taxi (car) drivers, 12% of minibus operators, 5% of bus operators and 4% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers indicated that traffic police always or frequently checked passengers' ID. These results seem to show, once again, that traffickers can move their victims and circumvent checks by traffic police by selecting specific forms of transport. 45 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 38: Vehicle operators' views on frequency of passenger ID checks by traffic police, Tanzania When broken down by type of journey, 90% of the vehicle operators who indicated that traffic police frequently checked passenger ID were long-distance operators; 7% were short-distance operators; and 2% were both long- and short-distance operators. Short-distance vehicle operators were therefore less likely than long-distance operators to report that passengers' ID were checked. This could be because short-distance vehicle operators did not pass any roadside police check locations. The research did not verify this point. Vehicle operators in Arusha were more likely than those in Tunduma to say that traffic police never checked passengers' ID (51% versus 33%). Younger respondents were more likely than older respondents to say that traffic police never checked passengers' ID (71% in the 18-24 age group versus 52%, 35% and 29% in the 25- 34, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively). The age-related results could reflect the fact that more of the vehicles that are more likely to be checked by traffic police were driven by older cohorts. An alternative explanation is that older drivers may be less likely than younger drivers to criticise government officials. Vehicle operators were also asked their views on whether traffic police checks on passengers were always thorough. Just over half (55%) of the sample (N=213) responded to this question. Thirty-nine percent of respondents said that traffic police checks on passengers were always thorough; 44% said that they were sometimes thorough; 16% said that they were never thorough; and 1% did not know. More respondents in Arusha than Tunduma thought that traffic police checks on passengers were never thorough (22% versus 12%). When such a high proportion of respondents (44%) report that police checks on passengers are "sometimes thorough", this leaves the door open for TIP victims to slip through the net. 3.2.9.3 Support needed for traffic police Vehicle operators were asked what support traffic police needed so that they can play a more effective role in tackling TIP. Just under half (49%) said that better or additional training would help traffic police tackle TIP; 19% said better pay would help; 18% better supervision; and 11% an increase in the number of officers. More respondents in Tunduma than in Arusha mentioned better pay (27% versus 12%); more respondents in Arusha than in Tunduma mentioned better supervision (24% versus 12%). The oldest age group (50+) were less likely than younger age groups to mention that improved or additional training would help traffic police tackle TIP more effectively (37% versus 56%, 50% and 53% in the 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 age groups respectively). It will be important to understand more about the expectations of traffic police in relation to TIP, specifically whether they feel that combatting TIP is part of their mandate. 46 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.2.10 Knowledge of victim support services Community members were asked if they knew of any services that supported victims of TIP. Only 7% of respondents knew of any victim support services; 78% said that they did not know about any services. Respondents in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to say that they did not know about support services (23% versus 4%). Slightly more men than women knew about support services (9% versus 5%). More of the youngest age group (18-24) said that they did not know if there were any services for victims of TIP than older age groups (19% versus 13%, 15% and 5% in the 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively). These findings indicate that there is a lack of knowledge about victim support services in Arusha and Tunduma. Community members may not have known about the services that are available or it could be that few services were available. 3.2.11 Human trafficking training for vehicle operators By far the majority of vehicle operators (89%) said that they had not been trained or given any information about TIP – only 7% said that they had. No taxi (car) drivers had been trained or given information, and only 5% of minibus operators, 6% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle drivers), 6% of bus operators, 8% of HGV operators, and 20% of coach operators had received training in TIP. The fact that more coach operators had been given information or trained in TIP is interesting, although the number of respondents in this category who answered the question was very small (N=20). There was a small difference by location with 93% of respondents in Arusha saying that they had not been given information about TIP versus 85% in Tunduma. It is clear that vehicle operators in Tanzania need information and training on TIP so that they can avoid unwittingly becoming involved in trafficking, understand the risks if approached by a trafficker and take steps to identify and support victims. Of the small number of vehicle operators who said that they had been trained or given information on TIP (N=27), more than half (56%) said that they had been trained or given information by their employer; 30% were unable or unwilling to give an answer to this question. There were differences based on location: 87% of the Tunduma respondents who said that they had received training said that they had been trained by their employer, versus 17% in Arusha. Of those who had received training or information on TIP, 85% indicated that it had changed the way they thought about or responded to TIP. Although it is not possible to draw any conclusions from such a small number of respondents, it does appear that increasing awareness of TIP can be quite effective in changing attitudes and behaviour. This should be considered in the development of future approaches to counter TIP through the transport sector. Of those who had received information or training on TIP, over a quarter (26%) said that they advised other drivers not to carry potential victims. 3.2.12 Ideas about interventions to reduce human trafficking Community members were asked whether they thought that better training for drivers would help to reduce the number of people who become victims of TIP. By far the majority of respondents (88%) agreed that better training for drivers would help to combat TIP. More respondents in Tunduma (93%) than in Arusha (84%) thought that better training for drivers would make a difference. Considering that the majority of community respondents said that they did not often hear about, discuss or see TIP, it is interesting that most respondents thought that training drivers would help reduce the number of people who become victims. When asked about other interventions that could potentially help combat vehicle operators' involvement in TIP, 39% of community members mentioned the need for transport companies to increase driver salaries; 21% called for more sanctions and punishments for drivers who were involved in TIP; 15% said that better monitoring and supervision of drivers would make a difference; and 10% said that transport companies should work more closely with the police to prevent TIP (Figure 39). More respondents in Tunduma than Arusha (58% versus 19%) thought that increasing drivers' salaries would make a difference; more respondents in Arusha than Tunduma (30% versus 12%) thought that transport companies could put in place better sanctions or punishments for drivers caught facilitating TIP; and more respondents in Arusha than Tunduma (19% versus 11%) thought that better monitoring of drivers would make a difference. 47 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 39: Community recommendations on how to reduce driver involvement in TIP, Tanzania It is notable that the majority of community respondents felt that drivers took part in TIP activities to help a friend (i.e. the implication is that this was a casual activity with few personal benefits), yet that 39% of respondents (58% in Arusha) felt that an increase in salary would help to reduce TIP. Vehicle operators were also asked what their employer could do to help tackle TIP. Thirty-four percent said that they could provide training; 29% said that they could provide information; 21% said that they could increase pay; and 15% said that they could supervise drivers better. Findings based on type of vehicle driven or associated with can be found in Figure 40. Figure 40: Vehicle operators' views on how transport employers can help combat TIP, Tanzania While 45% of bus operators mentioned that increasing driver pay would help to combat TIP only 4% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers agreed. Seventy percent of taxi drivers were self-employed and hence this is probably why so few mentioned increasing pay as a priority action. Coach and taxi operators were more likely than other types of vehicle operator to mention training. Vehicle operators in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to mention the importance of increasing pay (37% versus 5%) and less likely than vehicle 48 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING operators in Arusha to mention training (18% versus 50%). The youngest respondents were more supportive of training than older respondents (73% versus 30%, 38% and 24% for the 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ age groups respectively). The support for TIP training and information across all ages, but especially among the youngest respondents, is interesting. Vehicle operators were asked what the most important training topic would be if they were given training in TIP. Over a third (36%) of respondents said that they would like to learn what the law says about human trafficking; 24% said they would like to learn about what drivers could do to help combat TIP; 29% wanted to know how to identify victims; and 10% said they would like to learn about what services were available to support victims of TIP. Findings based on vehicle type driven/associated with can be found in Figure 41. Figure 41: Vehicle operators' priority TIP training topics, Tanzania Vehicle operators in Arusha were more likely to mention that they would like to learn what the law says about TIP than those in Tunduma (50% versus 22%). Vehicle operators in Tunduma were more likely than those in Arusha to mention that they would like to learn about what drivers could do to help combat TIP (32% versus 17%). These responses could usefully inform what to include in a TIP training for vehicle operators in Tanzania. Finally, vehicle operators were asked what they could personally do to help tackle TIP. Just under a third (31%) said that they could report suspected cases to the authorities; 23% said that they could teach other drivers about TIP; 22% said that they could learn more about TIP; 15% said that they could try to identify victims; and 6% said that they could advise their families and other community members about TIP. Respondents in Tunduma were more willing than those in Arusha to try to identify victims (23% versus 7%). This is not surprising, considering that 46% of vehicle operators in Arusha said that they did not know how to recognise a victim of TIP. 49 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 8: CSO Perspectives on Interventions to Address Human Trafficking Human trafficking CSOs had many ideas about what regulatory officials and transport companies and owners could do to combat TIP. These included being more aware of the problem, being more proactive in tackling it, and being more responsible and accountable in the fight against TIP: What Traffic Police and Border Control Officials Can Do "[Traffic police] inspect vehicles frequently so should be the number one people who are able to identify victims. They need to pay greater attention to documentation, have a clearer awareness on this problem, a clear protocol on what to do if they suspect someone is being trafficked." "They should be checking people's papers with a view to prioritising safety. Involving them in human trafficking projects gives them awareness and a sense of inclusion. They could also be motivated by increasing their pay. They should become ambassadors, well informed, champions empowering change." "Stronger enforcement is needed. More questioning, more attention to the intended destination, but time is a problem. Traffic police should be collaborating with border patrols to identify the trafficked victims." "Better pay and education would motivate them to carry out their role correctly." "They need more awareness of the human trafficking act." Proposals for Transport Companies and Owners "[Transport companies] need to understand their responsibility – to build awareness amongst their workers – and agree to be more accountable for this problem." "We [human trafficking CSOs] should be working more with associations like TATOA [Tanzania Truck Owners Association] and TABOA [Tanzania Bus Owners Association] to build awareness in the transport industry. We should be working with associations of drivers, raising awareness. Prosecution needs to be more severe, and transporters need to be made more accountable." "Drivers and [vehicle] owners must be more aware of human trafficking, its definition, impacts and what steps to take. We must train these people to identify potential victims." 3.2.13 Perspectives of Driver Training Schools and Transport Associations One driver training school and three transport associations were interviewed as part of the research. These organisations interact with a wide range of modes of ground transport including HGVs, buses, commercial vehicles, and clearing and forwarding agents. Of the associations, one had over 1,000 members (companies); another had 400 direct members (and over 350,000 members of the various associations that were members); and one had 150 members. Respondents had different views on how aware drivers who were involved in TIP were of the consequences of their actions. These ranged from a high level of awareness to not fully understanding the legal/criminal implications (Box 9). Earning extra money was thought to be drivers' main motivation for becoming involved in TIP. 50 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 9: Transport Association and Driver Training School Perspectives on Driver Awareness of TIP Representatives of the transport associations and driver training school indicated that many drivers involved in TIP were not only aware that what they were doing was wrong but also of the risks involved: "The fact that measures are being taken to hide the trafficked people makes it clear to me that they know that this is wrong and are willing to take the risk. As many as 80% of those involved understand the risks. The welfare of the people being trafficked is not their concern." "They are often aware of the risks/potential punishments. Drivers mostly disappear when caught. They probably do not have a clear picture of the legal and criminal implications. They know it is wrong, but it might be that they do it without knowing fully the implications of what they are doing." "It's 50/50. Some are aware, some are not." All four organisations revealed that very little time is given to training in TIP or discussing the issue with members (Box 10). When asked the reasons why TIP is not included in driver training curricula or discussed with members, the answers suggested a lack of understanding of the role played by the transport sector driven, perhaps, by a lack of understanding of the scale, impact and legal consequences of TIP. Unions and transport associations in particular are used by government to influence compliance with legislation. Their responses may also indicate a lack of directives coming from enforcement agencies. Box 10: Time Given to TIP in Association or Training School Curricula or Interactions with Members Time Given to Training in TIP or Discussing TIP "None at all." "Human trafficking does not form part of the agenda." "Whenever there is news about transporters involved in trafficking this is communicated." "Very little is done." "None." Reason TIP Not in Curriculum or Discussed "There is lack of understanding on the issue at all levels. As a result there doesn't seem to be an incentive to teach it." "Resources are small." "A lack of knowledge, expertise on this subject." "Resources are very limited." "Drivers are difficult to pin down. Often we are only able to provide information via WhatsApp to all our members." "Does not need support. It is the government's role to speak to all drivers." Responsibility "Our responsibility is to raise awareness, but also to report any wrongdoing to the government." "The Government expects us to know our members well - it places emphasis on us being accountable." "[Our responsibility is] to keep members informed of legislative change and educate our members." "The association does not have the mandate to educate drivers on human trafficking. [We are] not responsible for taking any action in this case." 51 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING When asked if they would be interested in adding TIP to the training curriculum for drivers or discussing TIP with members, the training school indicated: "Not really, it seems like it is an issue for immigration and not an issue for driving schools … We currently do not make any attempt to inform students on this issue and don't anticipate changing this approach." However, the transport associations seemed to be more amenable to taking steps to engage on the issue. They also highlighted areas in which they needed support to do this. These ranged from information to learning aids and support with updating websites (Box 11). Box 11: Transport Association Ideas on Role in Combatting TIP The representatives of transport associations were keen to get involved in the fight against TIP but highlighted that they needed support with resources and training. Ideas of Activities to Carry Out "We would love to run some sort of media campaign." "[We would be interested to do] evidence gathering." "Support amending legislation to strengthening prosecution." Support Needed "Advice, mediation." "Financial and/or technical assistance with our website." "Knowledge of human trafficking/training (TOT)." "Equipment needed to deliver the knowledge – audio visual kits for virtual training." 3.2.14 Voices of survivors of human trafficking Interviews with survivors of TIP in Tanzania were arranged with the support of human trafficking CSOs. The survivors were invited to tell their stories, including the contextual factors that acted as a motivation to seek work-related opportunities outside their communities; the recruitment and transportation process; what happened to them and how they were exploited; and how they escaped and who helped them. All survivors were female and aged 21 or under. All six were recruited by family members or family friends (e.g. exneighbours). All were trafficked domestically and transported by long-distance buses. Some started their journey by being transported to a bus stop or bus station by a motorcycle taxi rider. Four of the victims travelled to their end destination alone and two were accompanied (one by her new employer and the other by the individual who recruited her). Three of the survivors suffered domestic servitude and three were sexually exploited. Their stories are a potent reminder of why the effort to combat TIP needs to be stepped up with urgency. The full case studies can be found in Appendix E. The survivors were encouraged to share their thoughts on the steps that communities, government, vehicle operators, driver training schools and regulatory authorities could take to help combat TIP and prevent other victims experiencing what they went through. These recommendations, which are a testament to the bravery of the survivors and their willingness to help others, can be found in Box 12 below. 52 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 12: Voices of Survivors of Human Trafficking in Tanzania Advice for Potential Victims of Trafficking "Young girls should take time to think before they rush to fall in for any promise. If it is about work, they should confirm the terms first before accepting to travel. The media and schools can be useful." Advice for Communities "Parents should involve the local leaders before handing their children over to other people since there are chances that they are being deceived." "Parents should know the true intention of people who go to villages asking and promising their children a good life in town." "Our communities can give people advice on what to do in case they are stranded and provide important contacts and information on where one can get help." "Communities should also ask questions of drivers, especially if they see any suspicious activity on buses, or if they see children who are travelling by themselves." "Other passengers should be concerned about children or very young girls travelling by themselves and should interrogate them." Advice for Government "Information on TIP should be made available to young people like me at school so that from a young age one is aware of the vice and knows the measures to be taken to prevent or to seek help." "There should be provision for training about human trafficking issues since the majority of people are unaware of these activities." "The government should make strict laws against traffickers." Advice for Police and Border Officials "The police need to check the identification documents of girls and people who travel and establish reasons for travel." "I feel institutions and authorities like the police should be vigilant in major transport stations to check the people who arrive from different places and rescue the ones being trafficked." "The police must check vehicles, especially buses from villages to towns. They should ask passengers questions." "The police should ask questions of passengers more often, and also be given training on human trafficking." "The traffic police and border officials should be given training on human trafficking." "I think that the police should do some passenger checks. They should be more vigilant and search vehicles, including interacting with passengers. They should hold drivers accountable for all their passengers." 53 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Advice for Driver Training Schools "When drivers are attending their driving school, there should be a human trafficking course so that they can be able to identify victims and help them." "Drivers should be taught about human trafficking at driving schools. This will create awareness about human trafficking and stop them getting involved during transportation." Advice for Vehicle Operators "Drivers need to be more attentive and ensure they know the reasons for travel for the girls who travel in buses. When they know that the girls are being trafficked, they can work with the police to help them." "Drivers should be provided training on human trafficking." "The drivers should be careful not to allow children or very young girls travel by themselves especially because when these children get lost, they will be arrested." Advice for Transport Companies "Transport companies should investigate kids who have travelled without their parents." "Transport companies should set strict rules and not allow drivers to engage in human trafficking activities." "Transport companies should set rules which prohibit the truckers to carry passengers in their trucks." 3.3 Uganda 3.3.1 Characteristics of sample There were 385 community respondents in Uganda, with 193 respondents in Busia and 192 respondents in Malaba. Fifty-two percent of respondents were male and 48% were female. Nearly half (47%) of respondents were aged 25-34 years, 12% were aged 18-24, 33% were aged 35-49 and 7% were 50+. The majority of female respondents (75%) were under 35 years old while the majority of males (52%) were 35 years or older (Figure 42). Figure 42: Community respondents by age and gender, Uganda Within the community sample, 26% of men (43% in Malaba) reported being a boda boda (motorcycle taxi) rider and just under a quarter (23%) of men were involved in clearing and forwarding. In Busia, 41% of men 54 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING indicated that they were businessmen. Sixty-two percent of women were sex workers (74% in Malaba and 55% in Busia). Of 395 vehicle operators, all but one were male. Forty-four percent of respondents were between 35-49 years old, 35% were between 25-34 years, 13% were 50+ and 8% were between 18-24 years old. The female respondent was in the age group 25-34. The majority (89%) of vehicle operators were drivers, 4% were conductors and 7% were turnboys. In Busia, 87% of respondents were drivers compared to 91% in Malaba. Almost half of drivers (47%) were aged between 35-49 years whereas over half of conductors and turnboys were aged between 25-34 years (Figure 43). Figure 43: Age and role of vehicle operators, Uganda Just under a third (31%) of vehicle operators had been working in their role for more than 12 years and 29% for between 4-8 years. The female respondent had less than 4 years' experience. The majority of respondents (68%) were associated with an HGV, 19% with taxi-cars, 7% with motorcycle or tricycle taxis, 2% with minibuses, 3% with saloon cars, 1% with pick-up vans, 1% with private cars and 1% with unit-cars. There were no major differences in the mix of vehicles between the two research sites in Uganda (Figure 44). Figure 44: Type of vehicle operated by location, Uganda 19% 14% 1% 62% 1% 1% 18% 0% 0% 63% 3% 2% 5% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% Taxi (car) Taxi (m/cycle/tricycle) Bus HGV Minibus Private car Other Type of Vehicle Operated By Location, Uganda Busia Malaba 55 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Of HGV operators, 19% were aged 50+, 47% were aged 35-49, 30% were aged 25-34 and 4% were aged 18-24. Those aged under 35 were more likely than older respondents to be associated with taxis (motorcycle or tricycle). In Uganda, there were few vehicle operators associated with buses, minibuses or coaches (2%). This varies from the initial targets that were set for the research (e.g. 30% bus operators, including minibus and coach operators). More than half (52%) of vehicle operators said that they worked for a company. More respondents in Malaba (66%) than in Busia (38%) reported working for a company (Figure 45). Figure 45: Vehicle operators' employment type by location, Uganda Those aged 50+ most often reported working for a company (77%) compared to 57% in the age group 35-49, 41% in the age group 25-34 and 33% in the age group 18-24. A third of vehicle operators reported working for one other person, and this was more common in Busia (46%) than in Malaba (19%). Working for one other person was more common among those aged 25-34 (44%) compared to other age groups. Those aged 18-24 more often reported being self-employed (40%) than other age groups. Long-distance vehicle operators made up the majority of vehicle operators, with 63% of respondents (79% in Malaba and 48% in Busia) reporting that they mostly travelled long distances (i.e. away from home overnight). A large proportion (88%) of respondents aged 50+ reported being long-distance vehicle operators. Twentyone percent of vehicle operators in Busia reported being both long-distance and short-distance vehicle operators compared to 7% in Malaba. Approximately a fifth (22%) of vehicle operators (30% in Busia and 14% in Malaba) reported being short-distance vehicle operators (i.e. home every night). Among those aged 18-24, 43% reported being a short-distance driver and 43% reported being a long-distance driver. HGV operators were more likely than other vehicle operators to be solely long-distance drivers: among the HGV operators, 84% were long-distance operators; 2% were short-distance; and 14% undertook both shortand long-distance journeys. In the qualitative research component, in-depth key informant interviews took place with the following: two driving training schools (one of which involved multiple interviews); six survivors of human trafficking; and two CSOs working on TIP. 3.3.2 Human trafficking knowledge and attitudes 3.3.2.1 Knowledge of human trafficking Among the community respondents in Uganda, a high proportion of respondents had heard something about TIP. Only 4% of respondents had never heard of TIP, 47% had heard a little and 49% had heard a lot. Slightly more respondents in Malaba had heard nothing about TIP (7%) when compared to Busia (2%). Awareness of TIP did not vary greatly by gender. However, the extent to which respondents had heard about TIP varied 56 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING greatly by age. Over two-thirds (68%) of participants aged 50+ had heard a lot about TIP compared to those aged 18-24 (37%), 25-34 (43%) and 35-49 (58%) (Figure 46). Figure 46: Community members' knowledge of TIP by age, Uganda Of the vehicle operators, 84% said that they knew what TIP was while 14% said they did not know. The vast majority of drivers (84%) and conductors (94%) said that they had heard about TIP, whereas 26% of turnboys did not know what TIP was (Figure 47). Among HGV drivers, 17% said that they did not know what TIP was. There were no significant differences by age in knowledge of TIP. Figure 47: Knowledge of TIP among vehicle operators, Uganda Most (91%) community members felt that TIP was a problem – slightly more in Busia (96%) than in Malaba (86%). Community members aged 18-24 more often reported (15%) that they did not find TIP problematic compared to those aged 25-34 (6%), 35-49 (5%) and 50+ (11%). Likewise, the majority of vehicle operators (90%) felt that TIP was a problem. As with community members, this was more often reported by vehicle operators in Busia (94%) than those in Malaba (86%). Slightly more vehicle operators aged 18-24 (10%) felt that TIP was not a problem compared to those aged 25 or older (6%). The higher proportion of respondents (i.e. both community members and vehicle operators) who indicated that TIP was a problem in Busia could indicate that TIP is more visible in that location. 3.3.2.2 Extent to which human trafficking is discussed at community level A high proportion of community members (87%) indicated that TIP was discussed in their community. As many as 44% of respondents indicated that it was discussed a lot in their community and 43% indicated that it 57 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING was discussed a little. This indicates that there may be specific groups that speak more about this topic than others. Only 10% of community members reported that TIP was not discussed in their community. In Busia and Malaba, 35% and 51% respectively of community members reported that TIP was discussed a little and 15% and 6% respectively said that it was never discussed. More than three quarters (78%) of community members aged 50+ reported that their community spoke about TIP a lot. Among those aged under 35, 38% said that TIP was discussed a lot compared to 48% of those aged 35-49. There is a clear difference therefore between the oldest age group (50+) and younger community members. 3.3.3 Scale and trends in human trafficking 3.3.3.1 Observation of TIP victims and size of problem Just under two thirds of community members (62%) indicated that they had personally seen a victim of TIP. There was no difference between the two research sites in Uganda. This suggests that TIP is visible in both locations. Slightly more community members aged 35 or older (69%) had seen a victim of TIP than those under 35 (58%). Only three respondents (1%) failed to give an answer. This suggests that community members in the two research sites were confident about their ability to identify a potential victim of TIP. Of the 62% of community members who reported that they had seen potential victims of TIP, 39% reported that they had seen a lot of suspected victims of TIP, 20% said that they had seen some and 36% said that they had seen very few suspected victims. Of those aged 50+, 58% reported that they had seen many potential victims, although this was based on a small number of respondents. Nearly half (49%) of community members aged 18-24 indicated that they had seen many potential victims, along with 43% of those aged 35-49. In comparison, 46% of those aged 25-34 indicated that they had seen very few potential victims of TIP. This suggests that certain situations/contexts may expose community members to more cases of TIP. An individual's occupation seemed to have a bearing on how frequently they observed suspected victims of TIP. Of the motorcycle taxi riders within the community sample, 65% reported seeing many or some suspected victims of TIP, as did 69% of businessmen and women, 54% of clearing and forwarding agents, and 55% of sex workers. Despite the small number of interviewees, local leaders and those in restaurants or bars all claimed to see many potential victims of TIP. The most commonly mentioned places where TIP was seen was at restaurants (28%), in taxis (12%), with police officers (15%), in coaches/buses (18%), and inside trucks (11%). A large proportion (42%) of community members mentioned transport as part of their response to where they saw potential victims (including fuel stations, within transport vehicles, or at stations). There were some differences in responses between sites: 34% of community members in Busia reported that they had seen potential victims in restaurants compared to 21% in Malaba. Those aged 50+ were more likely than other age groups to have seen potential victims at restaurants (42%). Just under a third (31%) of those aged 18-24 said they had seen potential victims inside buses or coaches. This may indicate that this type of transport is more popular with younger people. Twenty-eight percent of vehicle operators (32% in Busia and 25% in Malaba) claimed to have seen no victims of TIP, while 25% of those in Busia and 17% of those in Malaba reported to have seen many (Figure 48). 58 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 48: Suspected cases of TIP seen by vehicle operators, Uganda Younger vehicle operators, especially those aged 18-34, were less likely to have seen suspected victims of TIP: 43% of those aged 18-24 and 33% of those aged 25-34 had seen no victims of TIP compared to 24% of those 35 years and older. Those aged 35+ were more likely (25%) to have seen many suspected TIP victims than those aged under 35 (17%). There was a mixed response from drivers on how many cases of TIP they had seen, with 40% having seen many or some and 52% seeing very few or none. Turnboys were less likely than other types of vehicle operator to have seen TIP victims: only 15% reported seeing many suspected victims, 11% reported seeing some, 22% reported seeing very few and 44% reported seeing none. These results are consistent with this age groups' somewhat lower awareness of TIP as a concept. Box 13: CSO Perspectives on the Scale of TIP CSOs' perspectives on the scale of TIP focused on the lack of data: "The extent is big, but it is just not captured or reporting it right." "We don't have evidence. Well-detailed evidence." "I feel that little data or cases are reported. Many cases have yet to be reported." "We cannot capture domestic [trafficking] very well, some of it just goes below the radar. Take for example, child marriage, if it is not captured as a case of child trafficking then you won't know that it was." "The whole social cultural thing, if sexual exploitation is happening or perpetuated by family members, or if traffickers are family members, those cases don't see the light of day." "Because people don't have an understanding of the element that constitutes trafficking, they may not think of trafficking that happens within their borders." "One of the biggest problems we have is data collection and numbers and formal reporting of cases." 3.3.3.2 Trends in TIP More than half (59%) of community members thought that TIP was increasing in their area. Less than a third (28%) thought that TIP was not increasing. There were no major differences between Busia and Malaba (Figure 49). 59 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 49: Community perspectives on TIP trends, Uganda Among the youngest age group (18-24 years), 46% indicated that TIP was increasing compared to 60%, 61% and 68% for the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively. Of the community members who said that TIP was increasing in their area (N=226), 75% thought that rising unemployment rates were the main factor behind the increase. More than a quarter of respondents (27%) said that more people wanting to live in urban areas to improve their living conditions was contributing to TIP. This was more commonly expressed in Malaba (34%) than Busia (20%). Of those community members who said that TIP was increasing, 11% felt more opportunities to travel for work and 12% felt an increase in social problems were behind the increase. While COVID-19 was not thought to be a factor that was directly contributing to the increase in TIP, COVID-19 may have contributed to an increase in unemployment rates. More than half (58%) of vehicle operators thought that TIP was increasing, based on what they had seen. This was more frequently reported in Busia (66%) than in Malaba (51%). In Malaba, there were also more respondents who were unsure if TIP was increasing. This could be due to the increased visibility of TIP in Busia, or a higher degree of trafficking-related recruitment in Busia. Overall, the findings align with the slightly higher awareness of TIP in Busia compared to Malaba. Sixty-nine percent of vehicle operators in the age group 50+ indicated that TIP was increasing compared to 53% aged 18-24, 55% of those aged 25 to 34, and 58% of those aged 35-49. Twelve percent of vehicle operators (20% in Malaba and 5% in Busia) were not sure if TIP was increasing. The difference between Malaba and Busia is statistically significant (p-value=0.022, α=0.05). Of the vehicle operators who thought that TIP was increasing (N=230), the majority (69%) indicated that this was due to a rise in unemployment. Unemployment was more likely to be mentioned in Busia (78%) than Malaba (57%). A significant majority (81%) of vehicle operators in the age group 50+ indicated that increasing unemployment was a factor behind the increase in TIP, compared to 69% in the age group 18-24, 66% in the age group 25-34, and 67% in the age group 35-49. More than a quarter (27%) of vehicle operators (35% in Malaba and 22% in Busia) indicated that more people wanting to live in urban areas and experience improved living opportunities was behind TIP. In the age group 18-24, 44% of vehicle operators indicated that the desire to move to an urban area was contributing to an increase in TIP, compared to 19% in the age group 25-34, 31% of those aged 35-49 and 28% of those aged 50+. Only 8% of vehicle operators in Busia (and 1% in Malaba) indicated that COVID-19 had helped to increase TIP. Unemployment was mentioned by more respondents in Busia, which may indicate that there is more unemployment there to motivate TIP activities. A desire to improve one's living conditions by moving to an urban area was more often reported in Malaba. Many vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 indicated that wanting to live in an urban area was behind increased TIP. 60 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.3.4 Personal experience of human trafficking 3.3.4.1 Observation and interaction with TIP victims Half the community members (51% in Busia and 48% in Malaba) indicated that they were aware of TIP victims from their own community. Those aged 50+ were less aware of victims in their community (39%). Slightly more women than men reported that they were aware of victims in their community (53% versus 46%). These findings imply that TIP is a significant problem at the research sites. They also suggest that recruitment of trafficking victims is likely taking place in both Busia and Malaba. More than half of female sex workers (59%) said that they knew a TIP victim within their own community. This was more than any other occupation. This indicates that this profession seems to interact with victims of TIP more often than other professions. 3.3.4.2 Where TIP victims are seen The most commonly mentioned places where community members reported seeing suspected TIP victims were restaurants (28%), in taxis (12%), with police or border control officers (15%), in coaches/buses (18%) and inside trucks (11%) (Figure 50). Forty-two percent of respondents mentioned transport as a part of their response to where they saw potential victims (including fuel stations, within transport vehicles, or at stations). Figure 50: Locations where TIP victims seen by community members, Uganda There were some populations who reported seeing suspected victims more than other groups. More than a third (34%) of respondents in Busia reported that they saw potential victims in restaurants compared to a fifth (21%) in Malaba. Those aged 50+ saw the majority of potential victims at restaurants (42%). Nearly a third (31%) of those aged 18-24 saw potential victims within buses or coaches. A significant number of responses mentioned a place that included transport (42%), indicating that transport plays an important role in TIP. a TIP Hotspots in Uganda 61 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 14: Border Official Perceptions on TIP Hotspots in Uganda Interviews with border control officials confirmed the importance of border areas to TIP: "Border areas. Some key places may be Karamoja, Bugishu and northern Uganda." "Border points e.g. Malaba, Elegu, Busia, Rwakaka and landing sites along Lake Victoria." "The major hotspots in the country are mostly communities around borders." "It's common at border points such Malaba, Busia, Rwakaka and boat landing sites on the shores of Lake Victoria." "Porous border areas in different locations like Busia, Tororo, Iganga, Bugiri and they are taken to different destinations like Nairobi, Mombasa, Kisumu and other parts of Kenya." 3.3.4.3 The victims of TIP Over two thirds of community members (71%) thought that victims of TIP originated from another rural area within Uganda. The oldest respondents (50+) were more likely than other age groups to believe that domestic trafficking was the main form of TIP. Nearly half of respondents (48% and 58% in Malaba) said that victims were from their own community. A minority (3%) of community members indicated that victims were from countries outside Uganda. This suggests that most of the visible forms of trafficking comprises of domestic trafficking. In Malaba, it appears that the majority of victims originate in Malaba and are transported onwards from there, unless victims are both recruited and remain in Malaba. Of the community members who had seen potential victims of TIP, more than three quarters (76%) indicated that adolescent girls comprised the majority of potential victims. This was the same in both research sites. Female respondents (20%) more frequently identified "mainly women and children" as victims of TIP than male respondents (9%). In Busia, 18% of respondents and in Malaba, 14% of respondents reported adolescent boys as the main victims. The profile of victims was similar across all locations and age groups. This suggests that the profile of TIP victims is either relatively similar across the sites, or that the trafficking of adolescent girls is significantly more visible than other gender and age groups. Among vehicle operators, adolescent girls were most often observed as suspected victims of TIP. Over half (51%) of all vehicle operators (55% in Busia and 47% in Malaba) said that they had seen adolescent girls as suspected victims of TIP (Figure 51). More than twice as many vehicle operators in Busia (26%) than in Malaba (11%) reported seeing adult women as suspected victims of TIP. Four times as many vehicle operators in Malaba than Busia (28% versus 7%) reported seeing suspected victims of all ages. Across all age groups, over three times as many vehicle operators in Busia (14%) compared to Malaba (4%) reported seeing adolescent boys as suspected victims of TIP. Figure 51: Vehicle operators' views on TIP victim demographics by location, Uganda 14% 55% 4% 26% 7% 12% 4% 8% 4% 47% 2% 11% 28% 1% 3% 10% 14% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100% Adolescent boys Adolescent girls Adult men Adult women All ages Babies Children Don't know Women and children Vehicle Operators' Views on TIP Victim Demographics By Location, Uganda Busia Malaba 62 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Among short-distance vehicle operators, 38% reported seeing adolescent girls, 20% reported seeing women or women with children, 15% reported seeing children and 15% reported seeing all ages as suspected victims of TIP. Among long-distance drivers, nearly half (47%) reported seeing adolescent girls, while 21% reported seeing all ages and 18% reported seeing women or women and children as suspected victims of TIP. Only 1% of long-distance drivers reported having seen adolescent boys compared to 5% of short-distance drivers. Given that adolescent girls were more often seen by long-distance drivers, this could potentially reflect the fact that this group is most likely to be trafficked internationally. 3.3.4.4 Perception of how victims of TIP are exploited Community members who had seen a potential victim of TIP (N=191) gave a variety of responses about how victims from their community were exploited. Three quarters (75%) of respondents in Busia and 68% in Malaba indicated that victims were trafficked for domestic work. In the 50+ age group, 91% of respondents linked trafficking to domestic work compared to 59%, 76% and 69% in the age groups 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 respectively. A high proportion of community members (41%) knew someone who had been trafficked for sex work. A third (34%) of men and almost half (47%) of women had observed this. Sex work was more often mentioned in Malaba (43%) than Busia (38%). Being trafficked for forced marriage was mentioned more than twice as often in Malaba (24%) compared to Busia (10%). Being trafficked for agricultural work was mentioned by only 7% of community members in Busia and 1% in Malaba. Organ harvesting was mentioned by 6% of community members in Busia and 1% in Malaba. The focus on domestic work could be due to its visibility at the research sites or perhaps reflects the fact that the practice has existed for a long time. Younger community members (aged 18-24) were more likely than other age groups to acknowledge victims' exploitation as sex workers. This may be due to the young age of the female sex workers interviewed. Overall, the findings show that the majority of ways in which victims from the community were thought to be exploited focused on female-dominated activities/domains such as domestic work, sex work and forced marriage. Community members were also asked to comment on the types of exploitation that TIP victims from outside their communities suffered. Sixty-five percent of community members had observed trafficking victims from outside their community exploited through domestic work. More than three quarters (77%) of those in the age group 25-34 reported this compared to 53% in the age group 18-24, 55% in the age group 35-49 and 67% in the age group 50+. Almost half (47%) of community members knew someone who had been trafficked for sex work. Sex work was more often mentioned in Malaba (51%) than Busia (44%). Organ harvesting was reported by 16% of community members in Busia compared to none in Malaba and agricultural work was reported by 11% of community members in Busia compared to 2% in Malaba. Interestingly, significantly less forced marriage was observed involving victims from outside the community. This was especially the case in Malaba, where 24% of community members reported that they had observed forced marriage of local victims of TIP, whereas this was not mentioned in relation to victims from outside the community. 3.3.4.5 Knowledge of how to identify victims Over half of vehicle operators (56%) indicated that they recognised suspected trafficking victims by the way that the victims looked or behaved. This was more often reported in Busia (68%) than in Malaba (43%). Nearly a fifth (18%) of vehicle operators reported that they discussed potential victims of TIP with fellow drivers, conductors and turnboys. Significantly, 28% of vehicle operators in Malaba and 35% of those in the age group 50+ reported that they had identified a victim as a result of a discussion with another driver, conductor or turnboy. In comparison, no vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 reported that they had identified victims via discussions with other vehicle operators. One fifth (20%) of vehicle operators reported that they had identified a victim because the victim themselves spoke to them about TIP. This was reported by 29% of vehicle operators in the 50+ age group and 24% of those in the 35-49 age group, but less so by those in younger age groups. Just over a fifth (21%) of vehicle operators said that they did not know how to recognise a potential victim of TIP. This included 37% of those in the age group 18-24. 63 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.3.4.6 Interaction with victims of TIP When asked whether they had ever interacted with a victim of TIP, 43% of community respondents (48% in Busia and 39% in Malaba) said that they had. More women than men indicated that they had interacted with a victim of TIP (51% versus 37%). Those aged 50+ had interacted the least with victims of TIP (36%) compared to 47% in the age group 25-34 (Figure 52). Respondents in Busia and women indicated that they had interacted more than other respondents with victims of TIP. Figure 52: Community members who had interacted with victim of TIP, Uganda Female sex workers were more likely than other occupations to say that they had interacted with victims of TIP (55%). More than a third of mobile money agents, business people, clearing agents and boda boda riders also reported that they had interacted with victims of TIP. All these occupations may be interesting to target for more information regarding TIP, or as part of a potential intervention. 3.3.4.7 Assistance given to TIP victims A fifth of community members reported that they had tried to help a victim of TIP (23% of women compared to 19% of men). Those aged 35-49 were more likely than other age groups to report that they had tried to help a victim of TIP (27%) compared to 17% of community members aged 18-24, 19% of community members in the age group 25-34 and 18% in the age group 50+. 3.3.4.8 Community respondents' interactions with traffickers A high proportion (27%) of community members said that they had been approached by a suspected trafficker. Fourteen percent of men and 41% of women said that they had been approached. This difference is significant (p-value: 0.010; a=0.05). Younger community members aged 18-34 were more likely (70%) to say that they had been approached by a suspected trafficker compared to 30% of those aged 35+. More respondents in Busia had been approached by traffickers compared to those in Malaba (30% versus 24%). These findings indicate that younger people and women were more likely to be targeted by traffickers than men and older populations. If traffickers tend to target younger populations – no respondent aged 50+ had been approached – this could indicate that TIP is a relatively new phenomenon in the two research sites. Of the respondents who had been approached by a trafficker, 48% reported that they were approached at home. Women were more likely than men to report that they had been approached at home (51% versus 38%). Community members were also commonly approached at their place of work. This was more so in Malaba (37%) than in Busia (26%) and was more common for men (39%) than women (28%). Only 2% of respondents indicated that they were approached near truck stops or markets. The remaining 10% of respondents reported they were approached in "other" places. It therefore appears that women were more often approached at home and that men were more likely to be approached at their place of work. 64 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING A large proportion of respondents (44%) who had been approached by a trafficker indicated that they had been told that they would be sent to a country outside Africa. This is especially the case for women, where 51% reported they were going to be sent outside Africa compared to 25% of men. More than a quarter (26%) of respondents reported that they were going to be sent to another country in Africa. This was more often reported by women (29%) and respondents in Busia (30%) compared to men (18%) and respondents from Malaba (22%). Men most often reported that they were going to be sent to a town or city within the same country (39%). Only 5% of women reported the same. It is notable that there were very few reported cases (15%) where community members were approached and told that the destination was somewhere in Uganda. Men most commonly comprised this category. Most women were told that they would be sent to a country outside Africa, or another country within Africa. Either way, this indicates that transport must play a significant role at some stage of the journey. The fact that over a quarter of community members reported that they had been approached by a potential trafficker is a concern and points to the urgency of the situation in Uganda. Young women appear to be targeted in settings such as their homes or their place of work. Because community members and family members were thought to be involved in the organisation of TIP, this finding is not surprising. Half of all women approached were told they would be sent to another country outside Africa and a large proportion were told that they would be sent outside Uganda. This alludes to an important role for transport in realising these promises. 3.3.5 Organisation of human trafficking Community respondents felt that other community members (34%) and organisations/businesses (31%) were involved in organising TIP. Family members (19%), community leaders (14%) and organised crime groups (12%) were also mentioned. More respondents in Busia said that community members and community leaders (47% and 20% respectively) were involved compared to respondents in Malaba (20% and 8% respectively). Respondents in Malaba more frequently mentioned the involvement of family members than those in Busia (26% versus 12%) (Figure 53). Only 4% of respondents mentioned truck drivers as being involved in organising TIP. No respondent mentioned that motorcycle or tricycle taxis were involved in the organisation of TIP. Figure 53: Community members' views on who is involved in organisation of TIP by location, Uganda The fact that truck drivers were seldom mentioned suggests that they may only participate in transportation. Alternatively, it could also suggest drivers were less visible when organising TIP. It appears that the organisation of TIP is a "local" activity: community members, community leaders and family members were believed to play a significant role in organising TIP, more so than organised crime groups. 65 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.3.6 Role of community in human trafficking Just over a third (34%) of community members reported knowing people in their own community who were involved in TIP. The responses did not vary greatly by location, gender or age. This suggests that TIP is prominent in the research locations. This finding aligns with the responses to the question about who organised TIP (Section 3.3.5), as 34% of community respondents felt that community members were involved. Of those who said that they knew someone involved in TIP (N=132), the majority reported that these individuals were involved in the recruitment of victims. This was more often mentioned in Busia (66%) than in Malaba (50%). A quarter of community respondents (26%) who knew a community member involved in TIP claimed that they helped to arrange transport for the victim. In Malaba, 21% of community respondents knew someone who helped to arrange employment for victims of TIP, compared to no respondents in Busia. This suggests that the two border locations may serve different roles in TIP. Malaba may be a location that serves as a destination for TIP victims or where victims of TIP come to work. In Busia, it seems that there are more recruitment activities occurring where victims are identified and sent elsewhere (i.e. another part of Uganda or outside Uganda). However, both research sites seem to be involved in the organisation of transport for TIP victims, which indicates that both locations are involved in the movement of TIP victims. 3.3.7 Role of vehicle operators in human trafficking 3.3.7.1 Knowledge of vehicles using HVT corridor Community members said that the most common form of transport used on the nearby HVT corridor was large trucks carrying goods: 67% of respondents reported this in Busia and 65% of respondents did so in Malaba. Just over a third of respondents (34%) also said that motorcycle and tricycle taxis used the corridor – more so in Busia (41%) than Malaba (26%). Another third of respondents in Busia (33%) and 18% in Malaba indicated that buses used the HVT corridors. "Other taxis" were reported to use the HVT corridors by 25% of community members in Busia and 28% in Malaba (Figure 54). Figure 54: Community members' views on type of vehicles using HVT corridor by location, Uganda These findings show that trucks were perceived to be the most common form of transport found on large roads near the research sites, making them potentially useful for transporting TIP victims based on volume alone. Motorcycle and tricycle taxis were also commonly seen but are only able to transport passengers across shorter distances. Buses or coaches may also be an important form of transport for TIP in Busia as they were mentioned by 38% of respondents in that location compared to 20% in Malaba. The same is true for "other taxis", although these may be more expensive than other forms of transport. B 66 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 15: CSO Perspectives on Vehicles Involved in TIP CSOs mentioned the importance of buses and taxis in transporting victims of trafficking: "Nobody doesn't use transport to move." "The public transport, buses, what we call taxis in Uganda, the smaller commuter vans [are involved in TIP], but also we have what we call boda boda, they are motorcycles that ferry people and there are also bicycles." "Those who go cross-border, they use buses from rural areas to the city centre and then to the airport. We also know that some who go cross-border will use buses to cross borders." "There was a time when there used to be about five busloads that would be brought in from Rwanda for sexual exploitation across the border." "Some are brought from Burundi by bus." "Victims of trafficking cross borders by foot or motorbike." "The buses that do long distance, the boda boda that might swiftly carry people urban, rural everywhere. Then maybe the commuter taxis – the smaller vans with 14 seats." "Taxis and buses play equal roles. We need to target both." "HGVs deal with goods. They are important, but not to the same extent as taxis and buses." "Motorcycles play a very big role in transporting victims. They use short cuts, they cross borders and they help victims penetrate into neighbouring countries and they end up being exploited." 3.3.7.2 Extent to which vehicle operators are involved in TIP Almost two thirds of community members (62%) thought that drivers using the HVT corridors were involved in TIP. In Busia, 17% of community members felt that drivers were not involved in TIP compared to 9% in Malaba. A significant proportion (22%) of community respondents, especially those in Malaba (30%), did not know if drivers using the HVT corridors were involved in TIP. The fact that only a small percentage of community members in both research locations specified that drivers were not involved in TIP suggests that community members feared that the practice is common. Community members were also asked to specify which drivers (who use nearby HVT corridors) were involved in TIP. Of those community members who responded (N=240), half (54% in Busia and 45% in Malaba) indicated that truck drivers carrying goods were most likely to be involved in TIP. Nearly three quarters (73%) of those aged 50+ believed that truck drivers were involved in TIP. A third (33%) of community members said that motorcycle taxis were likely to be involved, although this was more often mentioned in Busia (39%) than in Malaba (27%). This is to be expected as motorcycle taxis were more common in Busia. A quarter (26%) of community members said that bus drivers were likely to transport TIP victims (30% in Busia and 21% in Malaba) (Figure 55). Respondents aged 50+ were more likely to report that motorcycle taxis (53%), bus drivers (53%) and large trucks carrying goods (73%) were likely to be involved in TIP than any other age group. 67 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 55: Community members' views on drivers involved in TIP by location, Uganda Coach drivers were not widely believed by community members to be involved in transporting TIP victims. These vehicles were mentioned by only 2% of community members. A fifth (20%) of community members thought that "other taxi" drivers were likely to be involved in transporting TIP victims. The extent to which a community member thought that a driver of a specific mode of transport was involved in transporting victims of TIP seemed to relate to the presence of that mode of transport on the HVT corridors at the research sites. For example, many community members reported that HGVs were the most common form of transport on the HVT corridors and many also thought that truck drivers were likely to be involved in TIP. Motorcycle taxis were reported to be more common in Busia and were also more often believed to be involved in TIP in this location. Coaches were not reported to be common on large roads, and hence coach drivers were not mentioned by many respondents as being likely to participate in TIP. Among drivers (N=351), 53% felt that other drivers were involved in TIP. Thirty-eight percent thought that drivers were not involved. Among conductors (N=17), 53% felt that drivers were involved in TIP and 29% thought that drivers were not involved. Among turnboys (N=27), one third felt that drivers were involved in TIP and almost half (48%) did not think drivers were involved. The remaining turnboys did not know. The vehicles thought most likely to be involved in TIP by vehicle operators were HGVs (44%: 41% in Busia and 47% in Malaba) followed by car taxis/private cars (26%: 31% in Busia and 21% in Malaba) (Figure 56). 68 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 56: Vehicle operators' views on vehicles likely to be involved in TIP by location, Uganda 3.3.7.3 Locations where vehicle operators are approached Vehicle operators indicated that they had been approached about trafficking in many different locations. Thirty percent (36% in Busia and 25% in Malaba) indicated that they were more likely to be approached in urban areas. Truck stops were identified by 25% of vehicle operators (31% in Busia and 19% in Malaba). A further 17% of respondents mentioned border crossings. A third (33%) of vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 mentioned border crossings compared to 15% in the age group 25-34, 16% in the age group 35-49 and 14% in the age group 50+. Private dwellings were reported by 17% of vehicle operators and bus stations were mentioned by 14% as places where they were likely to be approached by traffickers. A fifth (20%) of vehicle operators in the age group 50+ and 18% in the age group 35-49 mentioned bus stations compared to 7% in both the age groups 18-24 and 25-34. Rural areas were reported by 12% of vehicle operators. Thirty percent of vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 mentioned rural areas compared to 13% in the age group 25-34, 11% in the age group 35-49 and 8% in the age group 50+. As the majority of truck drivers were older than 25, this may indicate that drivers and conductors associated with other vehicles were more often approached in rural areas. Fuel stops were mentioned by 8% of vehicle operators; twice as many vehicle operators (10%) mentioned fuel stops in Busia compared to Malaba (5%) (Figure 57). Figure 57: Locations where vehicle operators approached by traffickers by research site, Uganda 69 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.3.7.4 Perception of risk and understanding of sanctions When questioned about how much risk drivers thought they were taking by being involved in TIP, the majority of vehicle operators (73%) indicated that drivers understood that there was a lot of risk involved. Respondents in Busia were more likely to report this than those in Malaba (79% versus 68%). In Malaba, 10% of vehicle operators reported that they were not sure how much risk was associated with TIP and 20% indicated that there was little risk involved. In Busia, 11% of vehicle operators indicated that drivers saw little risk in involving themselves in TIP. Vehicle operators were also asked what happened to drivers, conductors or turnboys who were caught trafficking people. More than half mentioned that prosecution and imprisonment were consequences of being caught. More vehicle operators in Busia than in Malaba (65% versus 44%) identified these outcomes as a possible consequence. In Malaba, more respondents than in Busia reported that drivers could be fined (47% versus 29%) for being involved in TIP. Notably, nearly double the percentage of vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 (63%) indicated that drivers/turnboys/conductors could be fined than other age groups. In Malaba, 28% of vehicle operators indicated that a driver/turnboy/conductor would be at risk of being sacked for partaking in TIP compared to 10% in Busia. No one in the age group 18-24 mentioned this outcome. It is notable that younger vehicle operators did not feel that they could be sacked by their employers. This could be because most vehicle operators in this age category worked alone or for one other person, perhaps in the informal, and likely less regulated, sector. Tr Knowledge of Involvement Box 16: CSO Perceptions of Vehicle Operators' Awareness of What They are Doing Representatives of anti-trafficking CSOs in Uganda had different views on whether vehicle operators were fully aware of their role in TIP and of the risks involved: "I feel that some transporters know what they are doing, and that it is wrong. They feel they are gaining some little commission out of it and hence are motivated to go ahead." "I think many of them are aware of the repercussions of what they're doing. They are aware of the risks and willing to take these." "It might be that in many cases drivers are contributing to the problem unwittingly." "Most of them they will even transport victims without [a payment], they have no clue that they are transporting a victim." 3.3.7.5 Motivation for being involved in TIP Among the community members who thought that drivers were involved in TIP (N=240), the vast majority (92%) said that drivers were doing a favour for a friend. Only 1% believed that drivers were motivated by money or gifts. This is interesting as 11% of community respondents (15% in Busia and 7% in Malaba) said that drivers were given bribes or gifts, and that this motivated their involvement. These two findings are somewhat contradictory. Most of the community members interviewed indicated that TIP was increasing due to rising unemployment rates (see Section 3.3.3.2). Hence it is interesting that there was so much emphasis on vehicle operators helping their friends (as opposed to making money). This could indicate that community members were more inclined to try to seek a culturally acceptable explanation for drivers' involvement in TIP. In contrast, the majority (87%) of vehicle operators felt that drivers who were involved in TIP were interested in making money. This was more commonly reported by vehicle operators in Busia (91%) than those in Malaba (82%). Only 10% of vehicle operators in Malaba compared to 3% in Busia indicated that vehicle operators' involvement was due to a lack of knowledge that TIP was a crime. Twelve percent of vehicle operators thought that drivers were trying to be helpful when they got involved in TIP. Twice as many vehicle operators in Malaba (15%) reported this than in Busia (8%). Nine percent of respondents in Malaba and 2% in Busia indicated that vehicle operators were repaying a favour when involving themselves in TIP. This was mentioned twice as often by vehicle operators aged 50+ compared to other age groups. 70 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 17: CSO Perspectives on Challenges Faced by Vehicle Operators CSO representatives mentioned a number of challenges that vehicle operators could potentially face if they intervened to help a victim of TIP: "Most of the transporters cannot do victim identification." "Having no faith in the criminal justice system." "Think that they might turn the case against me." "They want to help but how do they safeguard their businesses? [They will say] 'make it easy for me to report without you damaging my business'." 3.3.7.6 Level of organisation Of the community members who felt that drivers using the HVT corridor were involved in TIP (N=240), 62% felt that the drivers were aware of what they are doing and 29% indicated that drivers did not know what they were doing. Nearly two thirds (62%) of these community respondents thought that drivers who were involved in TIP worked in groups or with others (61% in Busia and 56% in Malaba). Eighty percent of respondents aged 50+ thought that drivers worked in groups – more than the younger age groups. Over a third (34%) of community members indicated that drivers worked on their own when engaged in TIP. In Malaba, 11% of respondents did not know whether drivers involved in TIP worked alone or not. Based on these responses, it is a possibility that these groups are embedded in communities. When questioned about the level of driver organisation when engaged in TIP, 67% of community members in Busia indicated that drivers were well organised; 28% indicated that they were not organised. In contrast, in Malaba, 37% of respondents indicated that drivers were organised, while 47% believed that they were not. This could be due to a difference in the level of interaction between community members and drivers in these two locations. Women were more likely to believe that drivers were organised (57% compared to 47% for men). Over half (52%) of vehicle operators indicated that drivers who were involved in TIP worked independently rather than with the knowledge and support of companies or people they worked for. The youngest respondents were more likely to think that vehicle operators worked with others: 47% of vehicle operators aged 18-24, 36% aged 25-34, 42% aged 35-49 and 27% aged 50+ thought that vehicle operators were not working independently (Figure 58). However, the youngest age group had the smallest number of drivers (N=30), and hence this finding may not be fully representative of the situation on the ground. Nine percent of community members thought that the companies that drivers worked for encouraged their involvement in TIP. Figure 58: Vehicle operators' perspectives on whether drivers involved in TIP work independently, Uganda 71 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 3.3.7.7 Personal involvement in TIP Over a third of vehicle operators (37%) reported that they had been approached by a suspected trafficker and asked to transport a victim. This was more commonly mentioned by vehicle operators aged 35+ (43%) than those aged 18-24 (20%) or 25-34 (31%). It is worth noting that many HGV drivers were in the older age groups. Over a third (35%) of HGV operators, 42% of taxi (car) drivers and 28% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers had been asked to transport a victim of TIP. HGV operators therefore appear to be the second most commonly targeted type of driver. The higher level of involvement of car taxi drivers could be due to these vehicles offering flexibility in terms of destination, offering privacy, or their capacity to travel long distances if required. Car taxis also legitimately carry passengers whereas other types of transport such as HGVs sometimes have strict guidelines about not taking passengers. Hence it may be easier for car taxis to transport victims of trafficking "under the radar". Over a third (38%) of long-distance vehicle operators and 30% of short-distance operators indicated that they had been approached and asked to participate in TIP. Of those who had been approached to transport a victim of TIP (N=145), 74% of vehicle operators in Busia indicated that they had been approached by a suspected trafficker. In Malaba, the responses were more varied. Vehicle operators reported that they had been approached by another driver (23%), the victim (28%), a suspected trafficker (20%) or a member of the victim's family (18%). Younger vehicle operators (i.e. those aged 18-24) were more likely than other age groups to report that they had been approached by a suspected trafficker. More respondents in the youngest age group said that they had been approached by a member of the victim's family compared to other age groups. The majority of vehicle operators who had been approached about transporting a victim of TIP were offered money, in both Busia and Malaba (79%). All vehicle operators aged 18-24 reported that they were offered money, followed by 86% of those aged 50+, 78% of those aged 35-49 and 74% of those aged 25-34. The remaining vehicle operators (18%) reported that they had not been offered anything. These responses indicate that the common practice is to offer money rather than gifts to vehicle operators in exchange for transporting victims of trafficking. It also calls into question community members' interpretation that drivers are usually just doing a favour for a friend. Less than half of the vehicle operators indicated that they were aware of the repercussions of being involved in TIP when they were approached to participate. In Busia, vehicle operators were more aware (52%) than in Malaba (38%). Younger respondents appeared more aware than older respondents – especially those in the age group 18-24 (67%). A sizeable minority – 29% of vehicle operators in Malaba and 20% in Busia – said that they were not aware of the possible repercussions. No respondent in the age group 18-24 claimed they were not aware of the repercussions. A quarter (23%) of vehicle operators in Busia and 34% of vehicle operators in Malaba claimed that they were partly aware of the repercussions of participating in TIP. This was evenly distributed across age groups. More than half (59%) of vehicle operators who said they had been approached about transporting a victim of TIP (N=145) said that they would not agree to transport a victim of TIP again. In Busia and Malaba, 34% and 24% respectively of vehicle operators indicated that they would transport a victim of TIP again, indicating the existence of a large group of repeat offenders. Half of those aged 18-24 said that they would transport a victim of TIP again compared to 30% in the age group 25-34, 28% in the age group 35-49 and 18% in the age group 50+. More than two thirds (68%) of the oldest vehicle operators (i.e. 50+) indicated that they would not agree to transport a victim of TIP again. While the majority of drivers/conductors and turnboys would not transport a victim of TIP again, those in the age group 18-24 years were significantly more likely than other age groups to say that they would accept a victim of TIP in the future. Vehicle operators in this age group were more likely to be conductors and turnboys and more likely to be driving vehicles other than HGVs – vehicles that were less likely to be checked by border control officials (see Section 3.3.8.2). Of the HGV operators who had carried a trafficking victim in the past (N=93), 25% said that they would transport a victim again. Of the taxi (car) drivers who had previously transported a victim (N=33), 27% said 72 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING that they would do this again. There were insufficient responses from other vehicle operators to indicate if HGV operators and taxi (car) drivers are unique in their willingness to accept TIP work again. Nonetheless, these findings are a concern. When the vehicle operators who indicated that they would be willing to transport a victim of TIP again (N=42) were questioned about their motivation, 83% claimed that they would do so for the financial rewards. This was more often the case in Busia (91%) than in Malaba (74%). In Malaba, 22% of vehicle operators who indicated that they would transport a victim of TIP in the future either said that they were pressured by other people or wanted to help other passengers/people. All vehicle operators in the age groups 18-24 and 50+ reported that they would transport a victim of TIP for the good rewards. Those aged 35-49 reported that they felt pressure from other people to be involved or wanted to help people/passengers. Overall, good rewards appeared to be the main motivation for drivers/turnboys/conductors to consider transporting a victim of TIP. This should be considered when designing an intervention, as overcoming a strong financial motivation may be challenging. The majority of vehicle operators who said that they would not transport another victim of TIP (N=93) indicated that this was because of the high risk involved. This was especially the case with vehicle operators in Busia (87% versus 63% in Malaba). All vehicle operators between 18-24 years reported that they were concerned about the risks. Thirty-seven percent of vehicle operators in Malaba indicated that they were concerned that their employer would disapprove of their involvement in trafficking activities. This was not reported by those in the age group 18-24. Of vehicle operators who were 50+, 44% said that their employer would disapprove. Eleven percent of vehicle operators in the age group 25-34 and 18% of vehicle operators in the age group 35-49 reported the same concern. Only 13% of vehicle operators in Malaba and 2% in Busia indicated that they would not participate in TIP for moral reasons. No respondents aged 18-24 reported that moral reasons stopped them from being involved in TIP. Stress was mentioned as a deterrent by 9% of vehicle operators in Busia and 4% in Malaba. However, no respondents in the age groups 18-24 or 50+ reported that stress detracted them from being involved in TIP (Figure 59). It is interesting to note that stress and concerns about the morality of TIP were infrequently mentioned by vehicle operators whereas they did worry about the risks, which indicates that potential repercussions for jobs and livelihoods were a greater deterrent. For vehicle operators working in the formal sector, these findings point to some entry points for engagement. Figure 59: Reason for vehicle operators' lack of willingness to transport victims of TIP, Uganda 3.3.7.8 Effect of COVID-19 on vehicle operators involved in TIP Both community members and vehicle operators were asked if they thought that COVID-19 had affected drivers' involvement in TIP. Nearly half of community members (48%) thought that drivers were more likely to be involved in TIP because of COVID-19. Just under half of vehicle operators (46%: 42% in Busia and 36% in 73 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Malaba) indicated that drivers were less likely to be involved in TIP while 42% (44% in Busia and 52% in Malaba) indicated that they were more likely to be involved. Eight percent (9% in Busia and 8% in Malaba) reported that they were unsure (Figure 60). Figure 60: Vehicle operators' views on effect of COVID-19 on driver involvement in TIP by location, Uganda Vehicle operators aged 50+ were more likely than younger age groups to say that drivers were less likely to be involved in TIP during COVID-19 (57% compared to 46%, 34% and 38% for those aged 18-24, 25-34 and 35-49 respectively). Both sets of respondents appeared to be divided on whether COVID-19 contributed to or decreased TIP, even though many vehicle operators, similar to community members, reported that COVID-19 was not a motivation for vehicle operators to take part in TIP. One explanation could be a lack of understanding of the various impacts of COVID-19, including rising unemployment and a fall in household income. 3.3.8 Role of border control officials in human trafficking 3.3.8.1 Community interaction with border control officials The majority of community respondents (57%) said that they or their families did not interact with border control officers. This varied greatly between sites: in Malaba, only 18% of respondents claimed that they or their family interacted with border control officers, compared to 57% in Busia. Those aged 18-24 were less likely than other age groups to report that they or their families interacted with border control officials (28% compared to 34% among those aged 25-34; 46% among those aged 35-49; and 43% among those aged 50+). The reasons behind these differences between the two research sites are not clear. 3.3.8.2 Vehicle checks at border posts The majority of vehicle operators in Busia (57%) and Malaba (63%) reported that their vehicles were always checked. Those aged 18-24 reported this more often (70%) than other age groups. Very few vehicle operators reported that they were never checked by border control officers (7% in Busia and 2% in Malaba). Just under a third (30% in Busia and 35% in Malaba) of vehicle operators indicated that they were sometimes checked by border control officers (Figure 61). Overall, 92% of vehicle operators indicated that they were always or sometimes checked by border officers, which may be a reason why many vehicle operators felt there was too much risk involved in transporting TIP victims. 74 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 61: Vehicle operators' views on frequency of border vehicle checks by location, Uganda There is a significant correlation (p-value=0.000, α=0.05) between type of vehicle and how often these were checked by border officials: 66% of HGV operators, 39% of taxi (car) drivers and 38% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers indicated that border officials always checked their vehicle at border posts. Nearly all (96%) of HGV operators, 84% of taxi (car) drivers and 72% of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers indicated that border officials always or sometimes checked their vehicle at border posts. Among longdistance vehicle operators, 65% reported that they were always checked at borders compared to 42% of short-distance operators. Ninety-seven percent of long-distance vehicle operators indicated that border officials always or sometimes checked their vehicle, compared to 78% of short-distance operators. Figure 62: Vehicle operators' views on frequency of border vehicle checks by vehicle type, Uganda 75 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING These results suggest that certain types of vehicle, specifically car taxis and motorcycle taxis, are not routinely checked at border posts. The same pattern is evident among short-distance vehicle operators, which is to be expected as they are more likely to drive taxis. This could create opportunities for these types of vehicles to participate in TIP. If border posts are to play a more effective role in combatting TIP, all types of vehicle need to be checked routinely. Less than half (45%) of vehicle operators (50% in Busia and 41% in Malaba) thought that checks carried out by border control officials were thorough. Of those aged 18-24, 66% thought that checks were thorough compared to 41%, 43% and 53% in the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively (Figure 63). Just under half (46%) of vehicle operators (42% in Busia and 49% in Malaba) indicated that border control checks were sometimes carried out thoroughly. Those aged 18-24 years were less likely to report this than other age groups (28% compared to 50%, 48% and 39% in those aged 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). Only 8% of vehicle operators in Busia and 6% in Malaba reported that they were never checked thoroughly by border control officers. Figure 63: Vehicle operators' views on thoroughness of border vehicle checks by age, Uganda These results indicate that those who are younger appear to be checked more thoroughly than older vehicle operators (i.e. those aged 25+). In general, border control officials appeared to check vehicles thoroughly relatively often. This probably acts as a deterrent to would-be traffickers and may be reflected in vehicle operators' perception of risk. However, not all vehicles were equally subjected to border checks. Of HGV drivers, 45% reported that the checks undertaken by border officials were always thorough and 45% said that they were sometimes thorough. Among taxi (car) drivers, 36% said that border checks were always thorough and 49% said that they were sometimes thorough. Among taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers, 44% said that border checks were always thorough and 32% said that checks were sometimes thorough. Of long-distance vehicle operators, 46% said that border officials always checked their vehicles thoroughly and 45% said that they sometimes checked vehicles thoroughly. Of short-distance operators, 35% said that border officials always checked their vehicles thoroughly and 46% said this was done sometimes. Hence longdistance transporters appeared to be checked thoroughly more often than short-distance transporters. 3.3.8.3 Passenger checks at border posts Less than a third of vehicle operators (29%) indicated that border officials always checked their passengers' ID at border posts. Respondents in Busia were more likely to report this than those in Malaba (35% versus 23%). Seventeen percent of vehicle operators said that their passengers' ID was frequently checked. Forty-one percent (50% in Malaba and 31% in Busia) indicated that their passengers' ID was sometimes checked. The lack of consistency of passenger checks opens opportunities for traffickers to operate without hindrance. Of HGV drivers, 46% indicated that border officials always or frequently checked passengers' ID. This was similar to taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers where 44% indicated that border officials always or frequently checked passengers' ID. Thirty-eight percent of taxi (car) drivers indicated that border officials always or frequently checked passengers' ID. There was a more noticeable difference between long-distance operators 76 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING and short-distance operators (46% versus 29%). The results show that passenger ID checking is not systematically undertaken, irrespective of which types of vehicles are passing through border control. However, short-distance operators, who may be local and therefore better known to border control officials, appeared to be checked less frequently than long-distance operators. 3.3.8.4 Perceived role played by border officials in human trafficking Of the community members who had interacted with border control officials (N=144), 69% believe that these officials played a role in TIP. Respondents aged 18-24 years were more likely (83%) than older respondents (68%) to think that border control officers were involved in TIP in some shape or form. A higher proportion of respondents in Malaba indicated that they were not involved (24%) compared to Busia (17%). In Malaba, where the majority of community members said that they or their families did not engage with border control officers, respondents were more likely than in Busia to report that border control officers were not involved in TIP (24% versus 17%). This suggests that those who interacted with border officials were more aware of their involvement in TIP. Two thirds of community respondents (66%) felt that border officials were involved in TIP because they wanted to make money or take bribes. This implies that they saw border control officers' involvement as a deliberate act. Respondents aged 18-24 years were more likely than those in other age groups to say that border control officers were involved in TIP by taking bribes or money. Just over a quarter of community members (26%) felt that border control officers helped to facilitate TIP by not carrying out proper checks and 26% did not specify why they thought border officials were involved in TIP. Those officers who failed to carry out thorough checks can be said to be negligent as opposed to actively participating in TIP. When the same question was asked of vehicle operators in Busia and Malaba, 79% and 58% respectively responded that border officials were involved in TIP by taking bribes of money or gifts. Involvement by taking bribes, money or gifts was reported more so by those aged 18-24 than other age categories (80% compared to 69%, 67% and 63% for those aged 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). Nearly a fifth (19%) of vehicle operators in Malaba and 13% in Busia indicated that border officials turned a blind eye when they saw trafficking. A small proportion (7%) in Malaba indicated that border officials arranged the trafficking themselves. Ten percent of vehicle operators in Malaba indicated that border officials had agreements with traffickers compared to 4% of vehicle operators in Busia (Figure 64). Only 9% of vehicle operators indicated that border officials were not involved. Figure 64: Vehicle operators' views on how border officials are involved in TIP, Uganda 77 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Vehicle operators thought that taking bribes or money was the most common way that border officials contributed to TIP, as well as by turning a blind eye. However, it is also notable that 7% of vehicle operators in Malaba indicated that border officials organised the trafficking themselves. This would provide a way to bypass checks without incident. Increased training for and supervision of border officials and application of sanctions are all likely to be important interventions in these cases. Box 18: CSOs' Perceptions of Enforcement Officers' Involvement in TIP in Uganda Representatives of anti-trafficking CSOs in Uganda outlined a number of ways in which border control officials could facilitate TIP – either directly by taking bribes or by being negligent: "The corruption and bribery might be stronger than the culture of acceptance. Or maybe we say there is even a cultural acceptance of bribery and corruption." "If you refuse to take the bribe, the next person is going to take it." "People are too afraid, especially people who are civil servants, they are too afraid for their jobs." "Corruption comes in the silence, doing nothing, you can also be corrupt without taking the bribe." "The traffickers usually know what time they are switching shifts and that is usually the time they use to penetrate into neighbouring countries." "They don't undertake interviews or ask serious questions about where someone is going." "The border officials are also easily corrupted by the perpetrators of TIP." "They share information with traffickers on when they will be on duty and even alternative routes that traffickers can take." "[Border officials] potentially play a big role. I have heard that there are corrupt officials and that they are often willing to take bribes to supplement their income." 3.3.8.5 Perspectives on support needed by border officials A variety of responses were given by vehicle operators about how border officials could do more to tackle TIP. They most often mentioned better supervision from managers (35%). This was mentioned more often by those aged 25-34 years (40%) and those in the age group 35-49 years (38%) compared to those aged 18-24 years (10%) and 50 years and older (26%). A quarter (24%) of vehicle operators (20% in Busia and 28% in Malaba) indicated that better/additional training would help border control officials to do more to tackle TIP. Eighteen percent of vehicle operators in Malaba (compared to 8% in Busia) indicated that increasing the number of border control officers would improve their ability to tackle TIP. Nearly a fifth of vehicle operators (19%) in Busia and 7% in Malaba indicated that providing better pay for border officials would increase their ability to tackle TIP. Setting targets for border officials to work to was mentioned by 6% of vehicle operators. While many suggestions were made to improve border control officials' ability to combat TIP, the most commonly mentioned were better supervision and better training. This indicates that officials may not be aware of how to deal with TIP. It also indicates that there is a good opportunity for capacity building in this area to improve how TIP is prevented and controlled. Vehicle operators did not seem to think that better pay or better funding of border officials would improve the situation, which is interesting since the majority of vehicle operators felt that border officials received money for their involvement in TIP. 3.3.8.6 Interviews with border officials Seven border control officials were interviewed as part of the research. They were asked what they knew about TIP, what training they had in this area, how they screened passengers and vehicles at the border, their views on the types of vehicles and vehicle operators involved in TIP, and what could be done to combat TIP. Border control officials were very aware of TIP – what it is and what the law says about it. All those interviewed felt that it is a problem that had many negative impacts on victims, some of them life-changing. Opinions about the scale of trafficking seen on the borders at Busia and Malaba varied, ranging from 5-6 to 15-30 cases monthly. Some officers were unable to give a number but said that there were quite a few cases. 78 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 19: Border Officials' Perspectives on Scale of TIP Border officials involved in anti-TIP activities in Uganda offered the following insights on the scale of TIP: "It's a big problem. Naïve and vulnerable people from rural areas such as school dropouts are deceived with promises of better jobs only to find themselves in wrong places and exploitative jobs." "On a serious note, TIP is like a tumour which means it's very dangerous and it's a serious problem to our country because we are losing people each and every day." "It's a big problem as most children and young women or girls are taken abroad to be used as slaves…. Most of the young people are taken and treated as slaves, some are taken for sacrifices and others are taken as sex workers." All but one border control officer had received training in TIP. The duration of training ranged from two days to a week. The officer who had not yet received training was relatively new in post. All officers indicated that their training had been very useful, particularly in transferring skills on how to identify and handle potential victims. All were able to describe how they identified victims of TIP, which was mainly by the way they looked and behaved. For example, one officer stated that they identified victims "by the physical appearance of the victim and modes of movement – the victim behind and trafficker in front. Some victims may not know the name of the trafficker when interviewed." Adolescent girls and boys were thought to be the main victims of human trafficking, although adult women were also mentioned. Interestingly, adult men were not mentioned by any of the respondents. Views about the main organisers behind TIP varied. Although registered labour or recruitment companies and organised crime groups were mentioned, so were community members and the friends and families of victims. One respondent thought that religious groups played a major role in human trafficking in Uganda, mentioning the Pentecostal Church in particular. Communities around border posts were considered trafficking hotspots, although specific geographical locations were also mentioned, including Karamojo and the two research sites of Busia and Malaba. Border control officers were very clear that vehicle operators were involved in TIP. One stated: "Those are the main transporters and channels. Without them human trafficking is no more." They mentioned a variety of vehicles involved in TIP including buses, trucks and taxis (motorcycles and cars). Trucks were mentioned by four out of seven officers. t Operator Involvement of TIP According to Border Officials Box 20: Border Officials' Views on Vehicle Operators' Involvement in TIP The majority of border control officials interviewed as part of the research indicated that vehicle operators were actively involved in TIP: "Yes, they are involved." "They are involved in it." "Those are the main transporters and channels. Without them TIP is no more." "They are involved; some traffickers have a group of drivers they contact in case of any emergency." "In this border point, yes most trafficking is done by motorcycle drivers and salon cars especially [Toyota] Wish Cars." Both long- and short-distance drivers were said to be involved in trafficking. Views about the degree to which drivers were organised varied: some border control officials focused on the level of organisation and preplanning undertaken by individual drivers and others on whether drivers worked in groups. Some officers indicated that drivers were organised simply because they had agreements with traffickers; others stressed that they worked as individuals and hence were not organised. Owners of motorcycle and car taxi companies were sometimes said to be involved in human trafficking in an organised way. 79 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 21: Border Officials' Perspectives on Degree of Driver Organisation "Drivers who are involved in TIP are well organised because they have agreements with the trafficker." "Yes, they are organised because they have a very strong connection as they drive their business of trafficking." "They are not organised because each one of them acts on his own." "What I can say is that, at times, they are organised and remember it's also a chain that means they are also briefed about it." "They are not organised because they work as individuals directly with traffickers." "In most cases, the drivers are not well organised because of that fear factor in case they are got. However, some are organised because they are able to reach their destinations." "Yes, they are organised to the extent of monitoring the movement of the security personnel before they cross with the victim." According to border control officers some drivers were aware that they were involved in TIP and others were not, although it was implied that most drivers knew that they were involved in some sort of illicit business. Border control officers also argued that transport companies were very aware of TIP as an issue and pointed out that some companies had taken steps to try to reduce drivers' involvement (e.g. by imparting strict instructions about not carrying passengers). However, the officials conceded that transport companies were largely unaware of individual drivers' involvement in everyday trafficking activities. All the border officials interviewed thought that the number of trafficking cases had gone down due to COVID19 and the subsequent need to introduce restrictions on movement. One official argued: "COVID-19 has decreased human trafficking somehow because most transport means were shut down which affected human trafficking." On arrival at a border crossing bus, coach and other passengers are expected to get out of the vehicle they are travelling in and get their papers checked at the immigration office. However, several border officials commented on the difficulties associated with ensuring every passenger was checked and indicated that traffickers knew how to avoid these checks. As one official stated: "Those who use immigration are being quizzed, however some passengers being trafficked disguise as local natives of the community and cross the border without being checked." This was said to be a particular problem with buses. According to one officer: "Always all passengers are ordered out of the bus so that they can go through immigration checks but some being trafficked can dodge by using motorbikes to cross as local members of the community and later join the bus after crossing." Border officials indicated that they required more officers and more motorcycles so that they could monitor the porous parts of the border more readily. Border control officials also pointed to the pressures that they worked under to ensure that vehicles and passengers were not held up for too long at border crossings, especially in the context of COVID-19 where social distancing protocols were being followed. One argued: "There is pressure especially since COVID-19 came because of the need to limit delays and interaction of the passenger. However sometimes this is also caused by limited manpower on the staff." In relation to passenger checks, another officer argued: "…during COVID-19 interactions are restricted." 80 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 22: Border Control Officials' Perspectives on the Support They Need to Combat TIP When asked about the support they needed to combat TIP, border control officials highlighted several resource constraints that affected their ability to identify and arrest traffickers. They also pointed that that more training was required: "By increasing manpower, by having motorcycles and vehicles for patrolling in those [porous] areas, and through emotional support by the government." "Motorbikes should be used to patrol porous border points. Better supervision to counter officers who take bribes." "I think they should train more officers about this, create big awareness and provide resources to officers handling TIP." "More training is needed to keep them reminded about the laws against TIP. They need better accommodation, better pay and other related things." Border control officers indicated that drivers suspected of being involved in TIP would be interviewed and could be arrested and prosecuted. Vehicles could be impounded. However, a couple of officers indicated that sometimes employers took steps to get the drivers released, potentially disrupting the natural course of justice. The majority of border control officers interviewed (five out of seven) indicated that traffickers had tried to recruit their peers, but all seven indicated that they had not been personally approached. When asked how border officials reacted to being approached, it was stated by some and implied by others that some officers agreed to work with traffickers. These were said to be individuals who did not understand the law, those enticed by money, and those who had been working in one place for too long and had made too many friends and connections in the locality. Respondents argued that the monetary returns can be high, and these offset the risk. All but one of the respondents indicated that those officers who got involved in trafficking tended not to be caught due to the level of secrecy involved. Border control officers cited a list of outcomes if an officer was caught. These included being transferred, fired or dismissed, or being prosecuted, charged, fined or imprisoned. However, a couple of the officers implied that transfer rather than dismissal could be the outcome: "This depends on who is caught, may be cautioned, suspended, transferred or dismissed, though being dismissed is rare." Border control officers argued for tougher sanctions on drivers caught facilitating TIP, including withdrawal of driving permits, imposing heavy fines, etc. Some officers argued that better supervision and monitoring of drivers was required, although that could be challenging for those who have a loose arrangement with a vehicle owner as opposed to a contract with a transport company. Some officials pointed out the need to improve awareness among the public of the consequences of being involved in TIP. It was argued that transport companies could better communicate the risks and penalties associated with being involved in trafficking to drivers and provide better training and better monitoring and supervision. A couple of officials indicated that increasing driver wages could help to reduce their motivation to become involved in TIP. Border control officers indicated that the government needed to recruit more officers to help combat TIP; provide motorcycles for patrols, especially in porous border areas, and provide more training on TIP for officers. One respondent also argued: "Border control officials should not stay so long in an area since they make a lot of friends, and this therefore compromises on security." on Scale of TIP 3.3.9 Role of traffic police in human trafficking 3.3.9.1 Perspectives on how traffic police facilitate TIP Half the community respondents indicated that traffic police played a role in TIP. This was more often reported in Malaba (60%) than Busia (39%). The difference between Malaba and Busia is statistically significant (p-value=0.004. At α=0.05). Half of those aged 50+ said that traffic police did not play a role in TIP, higher than any other age group. The findings show that community members thought that border control officers were more likely to play a role in TIP than traffic police. However, there were differences between Malaba and Busia, which seems to 81 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING imply that the traffic police were either more involved in TIP activities at certain locations or were less discrete about their involvement in specific locations. The majority of those who said that traffic police were involved in TIP believed that they took bribes or money (86%). In Busia, this was reported more often (91%) than in Malaba (83%) (Figure 65). Twenty-eight percent of community members (20% in Busia and 33% in Malaba) who said traffic police were involved in TIP believed they contributed by not carrying out proper checks of vehicles. Figure 65: Community views on how traffic police are involved in TIP by location, Uganda As with the findings relating to border control officers, the vast majority of community members who indicated that traffic police officers were involved in TIP said that they accepted money or bribes. Less than a third of respondents thought that traffic police were involved because they failed to carry out proper checks. These findings indicate that traffic police and border control officers were thought by community members to be actively involved in TIP activities rather than contributing through negligence. The majority (61%) of vehicle operators felt that traffic police did not do enough to tackle TIP. Of these, those in the age groups 35-49 and 50+ were more likely than the two younger age groups 18-24 and 25-34 to feel that traffic police did not do enough (66% and 67% compared to 43% and 56%). A significant proportion of vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 (20%) as well as 15% of vehicle operators in the age group 25-34 did not know if traffic police did enough to help tackle TIP, compared to 10% of vehicle operators in the age group 35-49 and 4% of vehicle operators in the age group 50+. It is interesting to note that younger vehicle operators (i.e. those aged 18-24) were more inclined to think that traffic police were doing enough to help tackle TIP (37%) compared to older respondents (27%, 23% and 27% in the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). This could be because younger respondents either wanted less supervision and interference from the police or were unaware of the extent of TIP. Of HGV operators, 62% indicated that traffic police did not do enough to help tackle TIP. This was slightly less than taxi (car) drivers (69%). Less than half (48%) of taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers indicated that traffic police did not do enough to help tackle TIP. Just under two thirds of long-distance vehicle operators (64%) and 53% of short-distance operators felt that traffic police did not do enough to help tackle TIP. This shows that overall, traffic police were not believed to play a major role in tackling TIP. Taxi (motorcycle/tricycle) drivers and short-distance transporters were more prone to think that they did enough. More than two thirds (68%) of vehicle operators in Busia and 55% in Malaba indicated that traffic police were involved in TIP by taking bribes of money or gifts. This was reported more by those in the age group 18-24 (73%) than other age categories (58%, 63% and 58% in the age groups 25-34, 35-49 and 50+ respectively). In Malaba and Busia, 14% and 3% of vehicle operators respectively indicated that traffic police had agreements with traffickers. A small proportion of vehicle operators in Malaba (11%) and Busia (9%) indicated that traffic police turned a blind eye. Only 11% of vehicle operators (16% in Busia and 7% in Malaba) indicated that traffic 82 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING police were not involved. Fourteen percent of vehicle operators did not know whether traffic police were involved in TIP (Figure 66). Figure 66: Vehicle operators' views on how traffic police are involved in TIP by location, Uganda One difference between the perception of border control officers and traffic police was that traffic police were not suspected of being traffickers themselves. 3.3.9.2 Passenger checks by traffic police A quarter of vehicle operators indicated that traffic police always thoroughly checked their passengers. There were no major differences by age group. The majority of vehicle operators (60%) indicated that traffic police sometimes carried out thorough checks on their passengers. Those in the age group 50+ were more likely than other age groups (26% versus 8%) to report that traffic police never carried out thorough checks on their passengers (Figure 67). Figure 67: Vehicle operators' views on thoroughness of vehicle checks by traffic police by age, Uganda These findings indicate that traffic police were perceived to carry out thorough checks on passengers less frequently than border officials. This could be due to there being fewer interactions with traffic police compared to border officials, or traffic police being more vigilant about other issues (e.g. checking the condition of vehicles). 3.3.9.3 Perspectives on support needed by traffic police A variety of responses were given about how traffic police could do more to tackle TIP. Vehicle operators most often mentioned better supervision by managers (42%). This was mentioned more often by those in the 11% 3% 68% 16% 1% 1% 9% 1% 16% 14% 55% 7% 2% 5% 11% 0% 0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% Don't know Have agreements with traffickers Take bribes Not involved Are traffickers Arrange the trafficking Turn a blind eye Don't check for passengers Vehicle Operators' Views on How Traffic Police are Involved in TIP by Location, Uganda Busia Malaba 83 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING age group 25-34 years (43%) and those aged between 35-49 years (44%) compared to those aged 18-24 years (33%) and 50+ (34%). More than a quarter (27%) of vehicle operators (21% in Busia and 32% in Malaba) indicated that better/additional training would help traffic police to tackle TIP better. A significant proportion (29%) of vehicle operators in Busia and 16% in Malaba indicated that providing better pay to traffic police would increase their ability to tackle TIP. In Malaba, 16% of vehicle operators indicated that increasing the number of officers would improve their ability to tackle TIP compared to 9% in Busia. 3.3.9.4 Interviews with traffic police Ten traffic police officers were interviewed and asked about their knowledge of and views on TIP, the training they had received on TIP and the impact this had had on them, the number of cases they dealt with, the types of vehicle and vehicle operator involved in the trade and their level of organisation, and the steps they took to screen passengers and vehicles at borders. The traffic police interviewed seemed to be aware of human trafficking and identified it as a major problem for Uganda. Young and adult women were seen as the primary victims. Police officers spoke of victims being "forced to do what they don't want to do", "people…being mistreated and violated" and one stated: "most of the victims go through a lot of suffering." According to traffic police, many different individuals and groups were involved in TIP, ranging from "the rich" to organised crime groups, companies, small business persons, community members, and a victim's family and friends. A picture was painted of large networks of facilitators linking households and communities to the main perpetrators. Kampala and border points, including border communities, were reported to be the main trafficking hotspots in Uganda. Seven out of the ten traffic police interviewed had received some sort of training on TIP, ranging from one day to several weeks. All those who had been trained outlined ways in which the training had expanded their knowledge and capacity to deal with cases. One police officer stated: "It widened the knowledge to know what is supposed to be done, created awareness in me, made me more vigilant." Another said: "I learned how to handle cases, how to interview the persons involved and how to identify and handle them." The number of TIP cases seen by officers every month varied but ranged from between one and seven cases. One officer said: "The cases are quite many although seasonal. Whenever it is dry season and the water levels at the River Malaba are low, the cases are so many." Eight out of ten respondents said that they had been approached by a trafficking victim and asked for help. COVID-19 is thought to have reduced the number of people being trafficked in Uganda. One police officer said: "It was strict border check points that one could not cross the border. So it decreased." All but one traffic police officer indicated that truck, bus and coach drivers were involved in TIP. However, the vehicles that were described as most likely to be involved in TIP were taxis (cars) and motorcycle taxis. Three out of ten police officers mentioned buses and four mentioned trucks. These responses indicate that vehicles that are more likely to provide short-distance transport options (such as motorcycle taxis and small cars) appeared to be highly visible in the trafficking process in Malaba and Busia. Views about whether the drivers who participated in TIP were aware of what they were doing varied. One officer argued: "Yes they are aware because they are the chain from the bosses to the agents" while another stated: "Most of them are not enlightened." It is possible that a driver knows that they are involved in some sort of illicit business while not fully understanding the implications. Hence "not being enlightened" could be referring to those drivers who have incomplete knowledge rather than those who know nothing. The majority of traffic police officers interviewed indicated that the companies that transporters work for were not aware of their involvement in TIP. Half of those interviewed thought that drivers were well organised: "They have informers and communication networks" or "Some are very smart, coached on how to traffic." Views on whether traffic police asked drivers about their passengers varied. Some implied that drivers were always asked about their passengers, while others had different views. One argued: "They are intercepted, interrogated, checked including documents." Another argued: "To a lesser extent, because most of the time we don't interfere with them." It is possible that some of the traffic police officers who were interviewed in their place of work did not feel able to give anything other an "official" or professional response. All traffic 84 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING police officers stated that passengers' ID were routinely checked when they crossed a border. One stated: "The passengers are pulled out and they pass through migration check point for clearance and the bus crosses empty." Eight out of ten traffic police officers indicated that officers routinely speak to passengers at check points. However, one police officer, who appeared to be more candid (and who had undertaken several trainings in TIP) said passengers were spoken to by police officers "on rare occasions because of COVID-19." Many of the traffic police interviewed stated or implied that they worked under pressure in normal times, and especially so within the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. One argued: "Pressure is high in terms of workload because even the people moving on foot are checked." Another said: "The traffic police have had to speed up the checking process due to an increased number of vehicles that cross the borders." One referred to the extra challenges presented by COVID-19: "The delay of trucks leads to increase in infections because when the trucks are delayed the drivers interact with the local people." The traffic police indicated that drivers suspected of being involved in TIP were always interrogated. Most of those arrested were said to deny their involvement in TIP and claim that they were trying to help the victim. One officer argued: "They usually pretend to have been unaware of the act of human trafficking and always say that they were just trying to be helpful." It is apparently common for transport companies to intervene and negotiate for the release of the driver and presumably any impounded vehicles. This implies that some cases are not progressed in legal terms due to an external intervention. Box 23: Traffic Police Perspectives on Ways to Reduce Involvement of Vehicle Operators in TIP The traffic police interviewed as part of the research had many ideas about how to reduce the involvement of vehicle operators in TIP. These ranged from increasing awareness of TIP at community level, among drivers and within transport companies, and strengthening sanctions for drivers and their employers: "Sensitise the public about human trafficking." "Sensitisation of both drivers and transport companies on human trafficking." "To put in actions by courts of law such that those prosecuted act as an example to deter others from being involved – sensitisation." "Through thorough investigation and charging those that are found guilty of involving themselves in the act of human trafficking." "Police should always be alert. Government should close illegal companies which are taking people out." "By doing thorough proper check-ups." "They have to be serious on people and prosecute them." "Meetings should be organised to create awareness with the drivers through their leaders concerning the law on human trafficking. They must also be part of the stakeholders in order to disseminate the information to other drivers." "Transport companies should be made also to pay hefty charges such that in turn, they should put strict measures on their drivers to deter them from being involved in human trafficking." Traffic police officers mentioned that they faced considerable barriers when trying to identify or arrest suspected traffickers. One officer argued: "Other passengers block the arrest of the victims and traffickers. The passengers become always rude to the security officers." Another argued: "The challenge of company owners who always help the drivers is a barrier. Sometimes when junior officers arrest the culprits, the senior ones release them without informing the ones that arrested." Both these quotes imply that some traffic police officers feel that they lack the appropriate authority and support to fulfil their role. Language barriers (if victims or traffickers are from another country) and lack of transport to pursue potential traffickers were also mentioned as barriers to pursuing cases. When asked if traffickers ever invited traffic police officers to participate in TIP, seven out of the nine officers who answered this question said that this did not happen. One officer (who had completed a number of trainings on human trafficking) argued: "Yes, in most cases because this is a very lucrative business which involves a lot of finances." Quite a few of those interviewed referred to the high risks for traffic police if found 85 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING to be facilitating TIP. When asked if traffic police are ever caught facilitating TIP most said no although the outcomes of being involved were well understood: "An officer is prosecuted"; "they can be transferred or sacked in rare cases." All 10 traffic police officers interviewed indicated that they had not personally been approached by a trafficker and asked to facilitate the process. One officer argued: "No, with my personality most of these people fear and they have their networks who work with them." This implies that other traffic police may be approached. Transport companies and drivers were said to need "sensitisation" on TIP. One officer argued: "Meetings should be organised to create awareness with the drivers through their leaders concerning the law on human trafficking. They must also be part of the stakeholders to disseminate the information to other drivers." This implies that lack of knowledge and understanding within the transport sector is perceived to be an issue by those directly involved in anti-trafficking activities. One officer said: "Transport companies should be made also to pay hefty charges such that, in turn, they should put strict measures on their drivers to deter them from being involved in human trafficking." Traffic police indicated that they needed more training: "We need to have workshops on human trafficking, handouts and posters in the office." They also required more resources: "We lack facilitation to cover our areas of operation. Transport, cell phones, offices and shelter for victims plus allowances for motivation of traffic police." Box 24: Support Needed by Traffic Police to Combat TIP The traffic police who were interviewed as part of the research highlighted that they required more training, better supervision and more resources to be more effective in the fight against TIP: "Training." "More training, supervision, transport means, and resources needed for the appropriate response." "We lack facilitation to cover our areas of operation. Transport, cell phones, offices and shelter for victims plus allowances for motivation of traffic police." "Facilitation for traffic police and accommodation for the victims as they are being helped to return to their families." "We need to have workshops on human trafficking. Give them handouts on human trafficking. Posters in office." "Training on human trafficking mostly." "Transport resources." "More training and updates on global issues related to human trafficking and combatting this. Involve many stakeholders like locomotive drivers, taxis, boda boda, parents, employees, bar owners, lodge operators, community leaders and schools. Teamwork and good co-ordination and provision of reading materials and printed T-shirts." "Manpower to reduce on the pressure needed when checking and quizzing drivers/passengers." "Provide refresher training to officers." 3.3.10 Knowledge of victim support services When community members were asked if they were aware of support services for victims of trafficking, 78% said that they did not know of any local services. This suggests that there were either not many services available for victims of TIP or that there was not much information about these services. Of those who did know of a service for victims of TIP (N=51), 50% of men said that they were aware of programmes that supported victims to return to their family/community. Fewer women (37%) said that they were aware of support services. Nearly a third (29%) of men reported that they were aware of counselling services compared to 15% of women. Slightly more respondents in Busia (24%) were aware of this service compared to 18% in Malaba. A fifth of respondents (20%) were aware of healthcare services for victims of TIP (21% in Busia and 18% in 86 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Malaba). In Busia, 17% of respondents reported that they were aware of emergency accommodation support compared to 5% of respondents in Malaba. A significant proportion (36%) of respondents in Malaba compared to 3% in Busia reported that they were aware of services that supported victims in dealing with the police. It is therefore likely that Malaba has this service available whereas Busia likely does not. In some cases, men seemed to be more aware of TIP support services than women. This could be due to how awareness raising is targeted. There were also some differences in awareness of services between Busia and Malaba. 3.3.11 Human trafficking training for drivers By far the majority (88%) of vehicle operators indicated that they had not been given any training or information about TIP. Only a small proportion (10%) of vehicle operators said that they had been trained or given some sort of information. In general, those in Malaba had received more training and information (30 respondents) compared to those in Busia (9 respondents). No vehicle operators in the age group 18-24 had received training or information compared to 6% in the age group 35-49, 13% in the age group 35-49 and 18% in the age group 50+. Of those who had been trained or given any information on TIP, 97% were drivers. This is not surprising since the majority of the vehicle operator survey sample comprised drivers. Long-distance operators comprised 79% of those who had been given TIP training or information compared to 13% of short-distance operators. No turnboys and only one conductor had been given any information on TIP. Those who had been trained reported that employers were the most common source of TIP-related information. Of vehicle operators who had received training or information, 67% said that they had received information from their employer. This was more often reported in Malaba (80%) than Busia (22%). In Busia, other sources of information were the police (33%), organisations working to combat TIP (11%), churches (11%) and CSOs/non-governmental organisations (NGOs) (22%). Since the majority of vehicle operators who had training or information were from Malaba and had received training from their employer, there may be particular employer(s) who are providing some sort of TIP training or education in this location. It would be interesting to find out more about these interventions. Of the vehicle operators who said that they had been trained on TIP or had received information, 87% indicated that these inputs had changed the way they thought about or responded to TIP. This was more often reported by those in the age group 25-49 (90%) than those over 50 (78%). This shows the potential impact of introducing training and education about TIP to vehicle operators. 3.3.12 Ideas about interventions to reduce human trafficking Community members were asked whether training drivers would reduce the number of people who became victims of TIP. The majority of respondents (68%) indicated that it would. More men than women (73% versus 63%) thought that training would have an impact. A small proportion of respondents (15%) indicated that training would not help to reduce the number of people who became victims of TIP. This was more often stated in Busia (23%) than Malaba (9%). When community members were asked about other interventions that could help to improve the TIP situation, many recommendations were made. Thirty-seven percent of respondents suggested improved supervision and monitoring from transport companies. Thirty-eight percent of community members recommended that transport companies should put in place sanctions/punishments for drivers who were caught supporting TIP. Community members in Malaba mentioned this twice as often as those in Busia (30% versus 15%). Twenty-one percent of community members (25% of men and 17% of women) felt that increasing driver salaries so that drivers stopped "chasing money" would improve TIP. A small proportion (6%) of community members mentioned that transport companies should work more closely with the police to prevent TIP (Figure 68). These responses indicate that community members did not feel that drivers were adequately monitored while carrying out their work. 87 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Figure 68: Community recommendations on how to reduce driver involvement in TIP, Uganda Vehicle operators mentioned several ways in which their company or employer could help tackle TIP. Providing information to drivers was mentioned most often (43% in Malaba and 32% in Busia). Over a third (35%: 20% in Busia and 49% in Malaba) of vehicle operators recommended providing training for drivers/arranging for another organisation to provide training. This was mentioned by nearly half of vehicle operators in Malaba compared to 20% in Busia. Supervising drivers more effectively (23%: 32% in Busia and 14% in Malaba) and increasing driver pay (16%: 19% in Busia and 13% in Malaba) were also mentioned as potential interventions (Figure 69). Figure 69: Vehicle operators' views on how transport employers can help combat TIP, Uganda Nearly three quarters of respondents indicated that training and information were the best ways in which companies could help to combat TIP. Many respondents were interested to learn more about TIP and to be given guidance on how they could respond. These findings can be used to inform an appropriate intervention for drivers. It is interesting to note that an increase in salary was not frequently mentioned even though financial gain was reported to be the main motivation for being involved in TIP. Thirty-nine percent of vehicle operators indicated that potential victim identification was the most important information to be included in any training. This was more often mentioned by those in the age group 18-24 88 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING (47%) than older respondents (38%). This could suggest a willingness to help victims or to avoid facilitating TIP. Twenty-seven percent of vehicle operators said training should cover what drivers can do to help combat TIP. This was suggested most often by those aged 35+ (30%) compared to 18-24 (20%) and 25-34 (24%). A fifth of respondents suggested including what the law says about TIP. Twice as many vehicle operators mentioned this in Busia (26%) compared to Malaba (13%). Ten percent of vehicle operators were interested to learn about the services that are available for victims and how to refer them (Figure 70). Figure 70: Vehicle operators' priority TIP training topics by age, Uganda There was considerable interest among vehicle operators in being educated about how to identify potential victims, especially within the youngest age group of vehicle operators (18-24). This finding suggests that vehicle operators currently struggle to identify potential victims. Vehicle operators were also asked how they could contribute to tackling TIP. The most common responses were reporting suspected cases to the relevant authorities (24%), teaching other drivers about TIP (23%), and by learning more about TIP (23%). Seventeen percent of vehicle operators (21% in Malaba versus 12% in Busia) said that they could try to identify victims. Finally, 8% of vehicle operators said that they could tell their family or other community members about TIP. Based on these findings, it appears that vehicle operators are equally interested in learning to identify victims, learning about TIP, reporting cases and teaching others about TIP. It would make sense to include all these topics in the design of a training intervention. 89 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 25: Border Official Perceptions on How to Address TIP Border control officials had many ideas about steps that could be taken to address TIP. These included more awareness-raising and training, strengthening anti-trafficking laws, and ensuring that the sanctions imposed on those breaking the law worked as a strong enough disincentive to others who were tempted to get involved: "Better payments for border controllers and drivers. Also, by putting harsh fines or punishments on drivers, and through monitoring and supervision of drivers." "By getting these drivers and owners of these transport companies trained and made to understand about the law on TIP and the tough penalties." "Transport companies should put in place better supervision and monitoring for example by using car tracking devices. Transport companies operating licences should be cancelled if their drivers are caught in TIP." "Tougher laws should be enacted for drivers such as withdrawing driving permits and heavy fines in terms of money to deter them from the practice." "There should be training of the citizens of the country at large to create awareness of the possible outcomes of TIP. Each person should be free to report any case of trafficking. The drivers must do their work in the best way." "Teaching the public about TIP, refresher trainings for the officers on TIP, reinforcing security with more officers at the porous routes." 3.3.13 Perspectives of driver training schools and transport associations Two driver training schools (involving four interviews with trainers and managers) and one union were interviewed as part of the research in Uganda. These organisations work with a variety of vehicles, most predominantly HGVs but also passenger service vehicles, commercial vehicles, aviation, light vehicles (cars) and motorcycles. The union indicated that it had over 100,000 members. All interviewees agreed that human trafficking is a major problem. One respondent felt that it was a growing problem, while another noted that it has existed as long as borders have existed (Box 26). Box 26: Transport Association and Driver Training School Views on TIP "Trafficking is a growing concern for a number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East." "[The] lack of appreciation of the risks and degradation of human rights is appallingly high." "It's a big problem in Uganda because we are losing so many people in that way." "This had been under the carpet and under the radar it has been a long-practiced evil in our society." "[TIP] has been there for as long as the border has been there, as long as we have had disadvantaged individuals in our community and as long as there have been people who would like to exploit the disadvantaged position of people in our society." "We have an endemic internal human trafficking from one region to another which has gone beyond proportions." Two respondents had heard of TIP in the news or had heard stories from other drivers. One respondent was much more knowledgeable about the subject and was able to identify specific locations and the type of work that victims of TIP were subjected to. This respondent specifically referred to the scale of TIP, especially the movement of people to the Middle East. The respondent noted "At one point we had more companies registered to export labour than even companies to export coffee." Government employees and other powerful people were thought to be involved, undermining efforts to curtail the practice (Box 27). 90 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 27: Transport Association and Driver Training School Knowledge of Human Trafficking "Whenever I was crossing borders such as Rwanda….into Uganda you hear about people who are taken in containers to cross borders. Stories from other drivers." "Young girls being trafficked to become barmaids, house helps in Nairobi or Mombasa, to go and become prostitutes – all the ills you can think about." "[It is a] well organised network, normally on the borders we had retired sex workers who are now old women running brothels or so-called lodging accommodations." "[There is a] ring of boys, men, women and maybe relatives who go down in rural areas to look for desperate young girls and get them to the border. They stay in those shanty places for a time as they arrange for how to transport them." "[It] exploded early 2000s to mid-2000s in the Middle East." "Planes taking […] hundreds and sometimes thousands per day." "This business is […] connected to big government people who push for these shortcuts to get their companies to do this kind of thing." "People go to poor regions and carry small children and all sorts of people and bring them back to a city like Kampala and put them on streets as beggars." "We have organisations who come and get these kids and put them in rehabilitation. But we have that today, and tomorrow another busload comes." COVID-19 was thought to have reduced opportunities for TIP by three interviewees due to the additional requirements related to having a COVID-19 certificate, reduced mobility and reduced trust in others within a pandemic context. Respondents from the driver training school had different ideas about the extent to which their students were aware of TIP. Two felt that students were not aware, or aware to a minimal extent, while two others thought that students were aware, but did not really understand TIP. The representative from the transport union felt that drivers were aware, but they had "risk-taking attitudes" and knew how to "come out of it". This suggests that the sanctions faced by drivers that are caught may not be a strong enough deterrent. The union representative also argued that drivers were likely aware of the costs to victims but felt that they could be "worse off" when not involved. This suggests that there may be a lack of understanding of the human cost of TIP among drivers. Respondents felt that drivers were primarily involved in TIP due to the financial opportunities that it offered and the potential to improve their personal position. One respondent argued: "If you are able to have a side income to your main salary it facilitates you, that is the one key thing. Because it is not just any driver, those who are doing it will protect it because they don't want anyone to know it. It is their main source of income which supplements their livelihood." Respondents from the driver training school indicated that next to no time was dedicated to TIP in their curriculum. Although occasionally discussed, TIP was not a standing agenda item. One driver trainer indicated that drivers were aware that they were not supposed to give lifts in their trucks. Many trucks have a sign on the door that states that unauthorised people are not allowed inside. When asked why TIP was not included in the driver training curriculum, it was noted that it was not in the East African Community (EAC) standardised curriculum, it is not in the regulations, and was otherwise not seen as an issue. Three respondents from the driver training school agreed it was a good idea to include the topic within their curriculum. 91 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 28: Driver Training Schools on Inclusion of TIP in Curriculum "There is lack of understanding on the issue at all levels. As a result there doesn't seem to be an incentive to teach it." "Only around the time that a TIP incident has occurred. It is not a standing agenda item." "The subject is discussed, and warnings are issued not to get involved." "We haven't been teaching about that and it is not existing in schools." "We've never talked about that. It's not even included in my lesson plan." "There is a sign on the door which says no unauthorised person in the truck. People are aware we are not supposed to take passengers in the trucks." "At national level we don't have it; it is not included in the regulations." Ideas about topics to include in a TIP training included: "Understanding the concept", "Risk to people being trafficked", "Unwittingly trafficking people in sealed containers", "The risks that are involved in this human trafficking", "The part of security should be covered. How someone can report any incident of human trafficking", "How drivers can get suspicious of trafficking. How can a driver identify human trafficking." The union representative, on the other hand, reported that the union actively sought help from partners to educate drivers about TIP. They argued: "We have collective bargaining and do training and help them to understand their roles and responsibilities. A key thing is for the member to know their dos and don'ts." The union was also involved in the establishment of a support network for survivors of TIP. When their own members are identified as being involved in TIP they are immediately handed over to the relevant authorities (Box 29). Box 29: Transport Association Responsibility Regarding TIP "Anything that is in conflict with the laws we don't condone and if any member is caught as being part of human trafficking, we don't even represent that person in any form but hand over to authorities, police to do their investigations." "We don't have the capacity to try or even negotiate with a perpetrator of human trafficking." "Especially human trafficking or sexual offences or theft, we cannot even start negotiating – it is black and white. There is only one course of action – litigation or legal." The respondents from the transport association and driver training school had quite a few ideas about the steps that they and others could take to combat TIP. Information and training for drivers and the public were seen as important. The transport association saw value in working at a regional level with other unions and associations (Box 30). 92 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 30: Transport Association and Training School Ideas on Role in Combatting TIP "Using the teaching methods and posters, using billboards and even adverts." "We can use posters, give them to trucks and advise them to display in and outside." "Let the Government be serious and put in measures that are tough to see that they tackle this problem." "Approach TV stations and put adverts concerning human trafficking and how we can avoid that. Posters at the border stations, adverts on the internet." "Get formal recognition and write memorandum of understanding how peacefully this labour can be exported and monitored and they get representation on the other side. We are trying to work on that using the lull of COVID." "Training and there is the issue of ignorance by the drivers – that they are actually committing a crime. We have some policies and laws on human trafficking, but these are not known. We want to get these out there to be known by our members [...] at the borders and the airport so that members know what the law states, so we pass the right information to members." "Mapping out human trafficking actors in the country would be helpful and linking us together just to know who to go to with a problem." "Bringing the unions in East Africa together, the ITF [International Transport Federation] has a regional office in Nairobi, we could come together." 3.3.14 Voices of survivors of human trafficking Interviews with survivors of human trafficking in Uganda were arranged with the support of human trafficking CSOs. As in Tanzania, the survivors were invited to tell their stories, including the contextual factors that acted as a motivation to seek opportunities outside their home area; the recruitment and transportation process; what happened to them and how they were exploited; and how they escaped and who helped them. All six survivors were female aged between 17 and 40 years. Two survivors were recruited by family members, one by a member of their community, and three by contacts of friends or family members. Three were trafficked internationally (to Oman and Dubai); two were trafficked to Kenya; and one was trafficked domestically to Kampala. All those who travelled to the Middle East travelled through Kenya. Buses and motorcycle taxis featured prominently in the local and cross-border travel. Those who were trafficked to the Middle East travelled at least part of their journey with other women or girls who were in a similar predicament, suggesting that international trafficking is happening at scale. Five out of six survivors were threatened with or encountered violence, whether physical or sexual. The full case studies can be found in Appendix E. The survivors were encouraged to share their thoughts on the steps that could be taken to help combat TIP and prevent other victims experiencing what they went through. These recommendations can be found in Box 31 below. 93 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Box 31: Recommendations of Survivors of Human Trafficking, Uganda Advice for Government "The authorities could help by talking and counselling parents since in most cases parents are involved. When parents mistreat it provides opportunities for trafficking. The authorities should provide shelter for vulnerable children who are abandoned or neglected by their parents." "The government needs to educate people about trafficking and do counselling because when you have knowledge, it is easier." "There is need for increased sensitisation for community members especially in rural areas." "Information should be shared by the media. Not so many people have smart phones, but those that do are now more aware." "The government should try to see how they can inform laws on traffickers because victims have no way to communicate home. Ugandans are discriminated against and paid less compared to other nationals." "The government needs to be strict on the police to apply the law." "If the government can put more checks at the borders since people are mostly trafficked through the borders not the airport." "The companies and agents that are involved in organising foreign work need to be regulated." "The embassies need to help people. I wasn't helped, but rather chased away to go back and work." Advice for Police and Border Officials "Some travellers hide children on the bus so the police on the roads should thoroughly check each vehicle instead of just peeping at the window. The police should ask "Is this your mother?" The police don't open windows, they just stay on the road. The children are threatened to be killed so it becomes hard to talk. They are coached on the responses to make." "Law enforcers who abuse rescued children in their custody should be held accountable." "The officials need to be strict on their jobs." "Everyone at a border must be checked especially people crossing with children." "Police and border officials need to work closely with the association of Ugandans in Oman that helped us." Advice for Vehicle Operators and Companies "Drivers need to ensure that they engage each passenger." "Transport companies need to find a way to regulate drivers to ensure their drivers follow the law." Perception on Challenges to Addressing TIP and Opportunities to Overcome 94 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 4. Discussion 4.1 Tanzania Knowledge of human trafficking was generally quite low among community members in Tanzania. Women knew less than men (almost 40% of women said that they did not know about TIP) – an important gender issue. Lack of awareness can increase an individual's vulnerability to being trafficked and hence this is an issue that needs to be addressed rather urgently via public education campaigns. Vehicle operators generally knew more about TIP than the wider community, which is understandable considering their presence along transport routes and at transport hubs where TIP is known to take place. However, there were important gaps in knowledge: half of the youngest age group of vehicle operators and a quarter of HGV operators did not know about TIP. This leaves these individuals vulnerable to unintentionally getting caught up in TIP or to not fully considering the ramifications of what they are doing in the absence of complete knowledge. In relation to knowledge of the volume of TIP, just under half of community respondents did not know if TIP was increasing or decreasing, over half did not know if COVID-19 had affected drivers' involvement in TIP and two-thirds did not know what effect COVID-19 was having on the number of victims. In contrast, three quarters of vehicle operators said that the overall volume of trafficking had either decreased or stayed the same during the pandemic. However, there were mixed responses to a question about the impact of COVID19 on drivers' involvement in TIP, with quite a large proportion of respondents (40%) unable to say what the impact had been. In a context where a great deal of TIP is reported to be invisible, these results are not surprising. There were large differences in exposure to human trafficking: almost two-thirds of vehicle operators had seen some TIP victims compared to just 20% of community members. Coach and minibus operators were more likely than bus, HGV and taxi operators to have seen some or many victims. Transport vehicles or transport hubs accounted for two-thirds of the locations where victims were seen by community members. A sizeable minority (9%) of both community members and vehicle operators had been approached by a trafficker – either to be trafficked themselves (community members) or to transport a victim (vehicle operators). This is a concern in a context where knowledge and understanding of TIP are generally low. At community level three times as many women as men said that they had been approached by a trafficker, confirming that the problem has a strong gender dimension. Only a quarter of community members thought that drivers using the HVT corridors were involved in TIP; 45% indicated that they did not know; and 30% said that they were not involved. Again, this finding is not surprising considering the generally low level of knowledge of TIP among community members. Over half of both community members and vehicle operators said that the type of vehicle most likely to be involved in TIP was an HGV. Buses were the second most frequently mentioned vehicle. Trucks and bus stations were mentioned by community members more than other locations as places where TIP victims were likely to be seen. The transport sector therefore plays a role not only in transporting victims, but also provides the locations (transport hubs) where victims are seen. Just under half of vehicle operators that had been asked to transport a victim of trafficking had been approached by the victim or the victim's family, and less than a quarter by a suspected trafficker. This seems to confirm the role that families play in human trafficking (whether intentionally or unintentionally). It also challenges the idea that vehicle operators are always closely and directly connected to criminal networks of traffickers. According to the vast majority of community members (79%), vehicle operators involved in TIP knew what they were doing, were well organised (73%) and worked in groups (59%). Interestingly, however, the main driver motivation, according to 84% community members, was to do a favour for a friend. This is a rather benevolent interpretation since drivers were said to be well organised. It is worth noting that community members in Tanzania had poor knowledge of TIP in general and hence these results might be less reflective of the true picture because of this. In contrast, almost all vehicle operators felt that money was the main motivation for drivers, conductors and turnboys to become involved in TIP. Two-thirds of vehicle operators also indicated that those facilitating TIP understood there was a lot of risk involved. 95 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Just under 60% of vehicle operators said that their vehicles were always or sometimes checked by border control officials and only 3% said that their vehicles were never checked. These findings suggest that there is a high probability that a vehicle will be checked at a border. However, the research also found that certain types of vehicle were not routinely or even occasionally checked at border posts – taxis, minibuses and buses in particular. If border posts are to play a more effective role in combatting TIP, all types of vehicle need to be checked routinely or to be subject to spot checks. Feedback on the thoroughness of vehicle checks was generally positive, suggesting that once vehicles have been selected for inspection, this activity is carried out methodically. In relation to passenger checks, the key finding was that victims of TIP in the two research sites in Tanzania were far less likely to be intercepted if they used a minibus or taxi. This finding provides an important rationale for carrying out regular spot checks on these vehicles as part of the anti-human trafficking effort at borders. However, over half of vehicle operators thought that border officials were involved in some way in TIP, either by actively facilitating it or turning a blind eye. Only 19% of vehicle operators insisted that border officials were not involved in TIP. This suggests a low level of confidence in border control officials and a need for border control authorities to step up their actions and increase their profile in anti-human trafficking activities. Better training was mentioned as a solution by 37% of respondents, better supervision by 20% and better pay by 15%. Only 13% mentioned the need to increase the number of border control officers to deal with the problem. Hence the solution is seen to lie in addressing knowledge, attitudes and behaviours among the existing complement of officers. Just over a fifth (21%) of community members thought that the traffic police played a role in TIP, just under half thought that they did not play a role and a third did not know. In contrast, over half of vehicle operators thought that traffic police were involved in facilitating TIP, whether actively or passively. Half of vehicle operators thought that traffic police did not do enough to help combat TIP. Again, these results show a lack of confidence in the traffic police. CSOs raised questions about whether combatting TIP is seen as fully part of the traffic police's mandate, leading to a lack of awareness or proactive action when victims come into contact with the police. The research identified a significant gap in information and training on TIP among vehicle operators (only 7% had been trained or given information), and considerable interest in rectifying this. Among the small number of vehicle operators who had received information or training on TIP, it appeared to have been quite effective in changing knowledge, attitudes and practices. This implies that a training intervention targeted to vehicle operators is much needed in Tanzania. It will be important to identify ways to reach vehicle operators who work for another person or who are self-employed, as well as those who work for a company. None of the transport associations or the driver training school interviewed as part of the research had integrated TIP into their activities in a structured way. It is possible that this is because there are currently no directives or other incentives from government to do so. However, the transport associations all showed an interest in doing more work in this area and outlined some areas where they needed support. 4.2 Uganda Knowledge of human trafficking was high in Uganda; only 4% of community members and 14% of transporters reported that they did not know about TIP. It is interesting to note that knowledge levels appeared to be slightly higher in the general population than among those working in the transport sector, where closer contact with traffickers and victims can be assumed. The lack of awareness among some vehicle operators (14%) is a concern since all should be aware of the potential threat of being approached for TIP activities and the consequences associated with it. Younger community members had heard less about TIP. This is a concern as it could increase their risk of becoming a victim. Younger community members were also more likely to think that TIP was not a problem. This suggests that either TIP was not as visible to this age group, the topic was discussed less often, or this age group was less aware of the human and other consequences of TIP. Community members indicated that HGV drivers were more likely to be involved in TIP than other vehicle operators. While this does not prove that this is true (these views may be influenced by the large number of HGVs passing through their community), it is difficult to ignore what the majority of the population believes to 96 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING be true. Interestingly, community members in Uganda rarely mentioned that drivers of coaches were involved in TIP. The majority of community members and vehicle operators felt that the volume of TIP was increasing and that this was triggered by rising levels of unemployment. Since very few respondents identified COVID-19 as a factor behind TIP, it may be that unemployment rates have been increasing at the research sites for a while, and that this has had a knock-on effect on TIP. However, when community members were questioned about the effect of COVID-19 on driver involvement in TIP, many (48%) felt that drivers were more likely to get involved due to COVID-19. Exposure to human trafficking was significant amongst community members. In both research sites nearly two-thirds of respondents thought they had seen a victim of TIP. Almost the same proportion of vehicle operators reported seeing victims of TIP, suggesting that TIP is happening at scale at the research sites in Uganda. These findings seem to confirm that vehicle operators are not necessarily more exposed to TIP than community members. At community level, motorcycle taxi drivers, sex workers, forwarding agents and money agents seemed to be more exposed to TIP than other occupational groups. Businessmen/women also reported seeing "many victims". A high proportion of community members (42%) mentioned transport and transport hubs when asked where they had seen victims of TIP. This confirms that transport plays an important role in TIP – not unexpected since nearly all victims of TIP will need to be transported at some phase of their journey. It is interesting that community members and vehicle operators both appeared to be confident in identifying potential victims. Most community members thought that victims of TIP were Ugandan, and that many came from their own communities. This implies that recruitment of TIP victims may be commonplace in Busia and Malaba. Community members thought that adolescent girls were the main victims of TIP whereas vehicle operators more often reported a mix of victims. Vehicle operators may see a larger or more diverse range of trafficking victims when they are travelling. Community members thought that other community members, organisations/businesses, family members, community leaders and organised crime groups were involved in the organisation of TIP. Community members did not believe that HGV drivers were involved in the organisation of human trafficking. A significant proportion of vehicle operators (37%) reported being approached to take part in TIP, especially those aged 35+ (which corresponds with an increased percentage of HGV drivers in the older age groups). It is possible that due to their increased experience and years of driving, HGV drivers are more likely to have been approached by a trafficker than other (generally younger) vehicle operators. Interestingly, taxi (car) drivers were more likely than other types of vehicle operators to report that they had been approached to take part in TIP. This shows that private vehicles, which do not have fixed destinations, may be a preferred method of transportation for TIP activities. Vehicle operators were approached by traffickers in a variety of locations. Urban areas, truck stops, border crossings, private dwellings and bus stations were most often mentioned. While truck stops, bus stations and border crossings were expected answers, private dwellings and urban areas were somewhat unexpected. The mention of urban areas indicates that there may be specific places where vehicle operators and those organising TIP interact. It is also interesting that traffickers seemed to know where vehicle operators lived. This could indicate that vehicle operators were approached by someone that they already knew. These findings offer valuable insights for future interventions. Vehicle operators reported not only being approached for TIP by suspected traffickers, but also by other drivers, victims and victim families. This shows that TIP is very much integrated into community activities, with a wide range of actors involved in its organisation. Perception of the risks involved in participating in TIP was thought to be high by vehicle operators. This finding aligns with their knowledge of the repercussions of TIP, where a majority identified imprisonment or a fine as consequences of TIP. It can be assumed, therefore, that some drivers who are involved in TIP are not deterred by the potential repercussions, or do not feel that they will be caught. However, when further questioned on driver, conductor and turnboy awareness of the repercussions of TIP, vehicle operators did not believe they were aware, especially those in Malaba. This implies that although they may have knowledge of 97 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING some of the consequences of TIP, vehicle operators have not been formally trained or briefed and may not feel confident in their knowledge. The majority of vehicle operators who had been approached for TIP in the past reported that they would not transport a victim of TIP again because of the high risks involved. This shows that even if drivers are not fully aware of the repercussions, they are able to recognise there is a high risk to transporting a victim of TIP. For those who said they would transport a victim again, financial gain was the main motivation. This is a challenging motivation to overcome in circumstances where drivers require a supplementary income. The vast majority of vehicle operators felt that drivers were motivated to be involved in TIP for financial returns. In contrast, community members felt that drivers became involved as a favour for a friend. This implies that community members may not communicate with drivers involved in TIP, or are willing to adopt a benevolent interpretation, or drivers do not share their true motivations for participating in TIP. Most community members felt that drivers knew what they are doing when they participated in TIP, and that they worked in organised groups. However, almost twice as many community members in Busia than in Malaba reported that drivers were organised. It is possible that drivers were more opportunistic in Malaba and more likely to be part of an organised crime group in Busia. Older respondents (i.e. 50+) were also more likely to report that drivers were organised. TIP that is organised by groups may be more difficult to penetrate. Sixty percent of vehicle operators indicated that they were always checked by border control officials and 92% were sometimes or always checked. These findings indicate that there is a high likelihood that vehicles will encounter checks at border posts. This was especially reported by HGV operators but significantly less so by those with private modes of transport such as taxi operators. This is an important finding as it suggests there are opportunities for traffickers to move their victims in a more discreet manner using vehicles that are less frequently checked. The fact that less than half of vehicle operators considered these checks to be thorough creates additional opportunities for traffickers to pass border checks without being questioned or detained. Less than a third of vehicle operators reported that passengers' ID was always checked by border officials. For HGVs, less than half of respondents reported that border officials always or sometimes checked their passengers' ID. This was especially the case for short-distance transport operators. This could provide important opportunities for TIP actors to transport victims at relatively low risk of being questioned or detained. The importance of border officials carrying out checks at border crossings and carrying out thorough checks that include a review of passengers' ID cannot be overstated. The majority of community members and vehicle operators believed that border officials were proactively involved in TIP. Vehicle operators in Busia were more likely than in Malaba to report that border officials accepted bribes. This could indicate that the practice is more accepted there, or that border officials are less well supervised compared to those in Malaba. A small proportion of vehicle operators in Malaba felt that the border officials were involved as traffickers themselves, which would be an alarming reality as the "gate keepers" would then in fact be using the system for their own benefit. Based on these findings border officials seem to be an important target group for an anti-TIP intervention. Improved supervision of border officials was also the most commonly mentioned suggestion for how they could better contribute to the reduction of TIP. Community members were less likely to think that traffic police were involved in TIP than border officials (50% versus 69%). It is not clear why fewer community members in Busia than in Malaba thought that traffic police were involved in TIP. Accepting money or gifts as bribes was thought to be their main motivation. The majority of vehicle operators thought that the traffic police did not do enough to counter TIP. Only a quarter of vehicle operators said that traffic police always carried out passenger ID checks. Interviews with border control officials and traffic police highlighted the substantial resource constraints under which both types of regulatory official operate. They also pointed to the lack of an enabling environment for front-line officials to carry out some of their responsibilities, hinting at a lack of support for front-line officers from their managers/supervisors. 98 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Knowledge of services for victims of TIP was low among both community members and vehicle operators. This may act as a barrier to action if those observing TIP do not know where victims can be taken for support. A very small proportion of vehicle operators had been trained or given information on TIP. For those who had received information, this was provided by the companies or organisations that they worked for in Malaba, but external stakeholders such as the police, CSOs/NGOs, or churches in Busia. It is a concern that so few vehicle operators had been given information about TIP considering how common TIP appears to be in the two research sites. Both community members and vehicle operators felt that training and education of drivers were the most appropriate ways to reduce TIP. Vehicle operators identified several topics that they would be interested in learning about. TIP was not included in the curriculum of the driver training school that participated in the research in Uganda. The topic is not included in the standardised curriculum approved by the EAC. High-level advocacy and leadership will be required to ensure its inclusion. 4.3 Tanzania and Uganda comparison There were a few differences in the characteristics of the survey samples in Tanzania and Uganda. In Uganda, a significant proportion of male community members were motorcycle taxi (boda boda) riders, clearing and forwarding agents, or businessmen. In Tanzania, nearly all male community members described themselves as businessmen. In relation to vehicle operators, the Uganda sample comprised a higher proportion of HGV operators than Tanzania (68% versus 45%), while Tanzania had more bus/minibus and taxi operators. The emphasis on HGV operators in Uganda is not surprising since the two research sites comprise the busiest border crossings in the region, with many trucks arriving from Mombasa. It is important to bear these differences in mind when making comparisons between the two countries. Community members in Uganda had more knowledge of TIP than those in Tanzania, where over a third of respondents (34%) had heard nothing about the issue (compared to only 4% in Uganda). In Uganda, almost half of the community respondents had heard a lot about TIP. Busia and Malaba are both very busy border crossings. Tunduma, also a border crossing, is less busy and Arusha is a city. This may help to explain to some extent the differences in awareness between communities at the four research sites. Among vehicle operators, there were fewer differences between the two countries. Nearly all vehicle operators in Uganda and Tanzania felt that TIP was a problem. In Uganda, more community members had seen many or some victims of TIP compared to Tanzania (39% versus 28%). The same proportions of vehicle operators in both countries claimed to have seen many or some cases of TIP. These results imply that TIP is more visible in Uganda compared to Tanzania. It would be interesting to understand more about whether TIP is happening on a larger scale in Uganda, or if it is simply more visible. More vehicle operators in Uganda than Tanzania thought that trafficking activities were on the increase (58% versus 15%). Among those who thought it was increasing, unemployment was thought to be the main factor in both countries. COVID-19 was not perceived to be behind increased TIP rates in either country. In relation to community members, the majority of respondents in Uganda thought that TIP was increasing whereas nearly half of the respondents in Tanzania did not know. In both Uganda and Tanzania, most community respondents thought TIP was mainly domestic in nature. In Uganda, half of the community respondents were aware of victims of TIP from their own community, whereas in Tanzania, the vast majority were not aware of local victims. These findings may reflect differences between the research sites: Busia and Malaba in Uganda may be more commonly known as towns that recruit TIP victims whereas Tunduma and Arusha in Tanzania may be primarily destinations for victims. In Tanzania, victims were most often seen by community members in a location linked to transport, whereas in Uganda there was a more varied response regarding where victims of TIP are seen. This could also support the theory that Tunduma and Arusha in Tanzania are destination points for TIP. Both vehicle operators and community members in Uganda reported that the main victims were adolescent girls. In contrast, in Tanzania, the responses were more varied. Vehicle operators in Tanzania were more likely 99 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING than those in Uganda to report that they observed adolescent boys as victims of TIP. In Uganda, this was the least reported age group. This suggests that TIP may involve different demographics in the two countries. In relation to the people or entities involved in the organisation of TIP, community members in both countries felt that community members, organisations and the victim's family were most often involved. Drivers of HGVs were not mentioned as organisers of TIP in either country. In Uganda, just under two thirds of community members felt that drivers were involved in TIP whereas only a quarter of community members in Tanzania thought this to be the case. In both countries, among the community members who thought that drivers were involved in TIP, trucks, followed by buses, were most likely to be mentioned (in Tanzania, 55% mentioned trucks and 24% mentioned buses whereas in Uganda, 50% mentioned trucks and 26% mentioned buses). This view was shared by vehicle operators in both countries. However, in Uganda, vehicle operators also commonly mentioned taxis/private cars whereas there was little mention of taxis in Tanzania. CSOs and survivors also highlighted the importance of buses. The small number of bus operators included in the Uganda survey (well below target) was a limitation of the research. In both Uganda and Tanzania, most community members thought that drivers involved in TIP were aware of what they were doing (79% in Tanzania and 62% in Uganda). Community members in Tanzania were more likely than those in Uganda (73% versus 52%) to report that drivers involved in TIP were well organised. More than half of all vehicle operators in both Uganda and Tanzania (52% and 55% respectively) felt that drivers worked independently, without their employer being aware of their TIP activities. However, a sizeable percentage of vehicle operators (38% in Uganda and 24% in Tanzania) felt that drivers were involved in TIP with their employer's knowledge. These findings suggest that some TIP activities were well organised and supported by networks of businesses. It will be important to find out more about the types of businesses that are perceived to be involved in TIP (e.g. whether these are more likely to be small-scale, single owner businesses or larger, more established businesses). Interestingly, most community members in both Uganda and Tanzania felt that drivers involved in TIP were motivated by a desire to carry out a favour for a friend. On the other hand, vehicle operators in both countries reported that money was the primary motivation for involvement. These differences are interesting and could reflect communities' wishes to protect the reputation of local drivers or may be based on a local lack of knowledge of drivers' true motivations. Perceptions about how COVID-19 had affected drivers' involvement in TIP varied between the two countries. In Uganda, just under half of vehicle operators felt that drivers were less likely to be involved and 42% believed that drivers were more likely to be involved in TIP. In Tanzania, 40% of vehicle operators did not know what effect COVID-19 had on drivers' involvement in TIP, just over a third thought that COVID-19 had no effect and 19% felt that drivers were less likely to be involved. Three times as many community members in Uganda compared to Tanzania indicated that they had been approached by suspected traffickers (27% versus 9%). In both countries, women were three times more likely than men to have been approached, indicating that TIP has a strong gender dimension. In Uganda, half the women approached were told that they would be sent outside Africa, whereas men were more frequently told that they would be sent somewhere within Uganda. In Tanzania, in contrast, the majority of women were told that they would be sent to a location within the same country. In both countries, community members were most commonly approached by traffickers at their place of work or in their home. A significant proportion (37%) of vehicle operators in Uganda had been previously asked to transport a victim of TIP compared to just 9% in Tanzania. This is an interesting finding that could reflect differences in how transportation is arranged in the two countries, or differences in the scale and level of embeddedness of TIP. Respondents in both countries indicated that drivers are approached by traffickers at a variety of locations. In Uganda, this was most often urban areas, truck stops, border crossings and private dwellings. In Tanzania, this was most often border crossings, bus stations, drivers' homes, rural areas and truck stops. The locations where vehicle operators were approached also varied between the research sites in each country. Vehicle operators in Uganda were most often approached by a suspected trafficker or the victim themselves. In Tanzania, there was a more equal distribution of drivers reporting being approached by the victim, the 100 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING victim's family, a suspected trafficker or another driver. In both countries, most vehicle operators who had been involved in TIP in the past reported that they had been offered money. When asked whether they would transport a victim of TIP again, more vehicle operators (nearly 30%) in Uganda admitted that they would transport a victim again compared to 11% in Tanzania. The main motivation in both cases was the financial reward. These findings point to the need to urgently raise awareness among Ugandan vehicle operators of the potential consequences and repercussions of TIP. Very few community respondents in Tanzania indicated that they interacted with border officials and, as a result, very few had views to share on whether border officials were involved in TIP. It is therefore unclear if there is a difference between the two countries. However, when questioned about the involvement of traffic police in TIP, community members in Uganda were more than twice as likely to report that traffic police were involved in TIP than those in Tanzania (50% versus 21%). Many more vehicle operators in Uganda than Tanzania thought that border officials were involved in TIP in some way (92% versus 53%). These results include those that felt that border officials were proactively and directly involved in TIP and those who "turned a blind eye". Interestingly, in both countries many more respondents thought that border control officers were proactively involved in TIP than those who thought they were negligent (48% versus 5% in Tanzania and 80% versus 16% in Uganda). These findings suggest that border officials lack the trust of the public and that steps need to be taken to rebuild this. Vehicle operators in Uganda were more likely to report that traffic police were involved in TIP than those in Tanzania (83% versus 53%). Again, whatever the differences between the two countries, the results in both betray a lack of confidence in the traffic police and a deep suspicion about the role they play in TIP. Traffic police in Tanzania were more often thought by vehicle operators to always carry out thorough checks of vehicles than those in Uganda (39% versus 25%). In Tanzania, respondents were more likely to argue that vehicle checks were never carried out than in Uganda (16% versus 11%). Vehicle operators in Tanzania were also more likely than those in Uganda to report that checks of passengers' ID were never carried out (42% versus 26%). These inspection gaps provide loopholes that can be exploited by traffickers. In both countries, border officials were said to be more likely than traffic police to carry out vehicle checks (only 3% of vehicle operators in Tanzania and 5% in Uganda reported that these checks were never carried out by border officials). More vehicle operators in Tanzania than in Uganda (19% versus 11%) said that passenger ID checks were never carried out by border officials. These gaps in the monitoring of vehicles at borders offer opportunities for traffickers to "slip through the net". It was recommended in both countries that both border officials and traffic officers would benefit from either better supervision or better training. Vehicle operators in Uganda more often reported that better supervision was necessary whereas in Tanzania vehicle operators more often recommended better training. This is an interesting finding that may reflect the shortcomings of the enforcement agencies in each country. Less than half of vehicle operators in Uganda and just over half in Tanzania were aware of the repercussions of human trafficking when they were approached to transport a victim. These findings point to a gap in knowledge that could be closed via the provision of information and/or training. Only a small percentage of vehicle operators in both countries (7% in Tanzania and 10% in Uganda) indicated that they had been trained or given information on TIP. When asked what transport companies or employers could do to help drivers combat TIP, 63% of vehicle operators in Tanzania and 73% in Uganda indicated that they could provide information or training. This suggests widespread support and need for a training or awareness-raising intervention in these countries. Transport associations in both countries appeared to be keen to integrate a focus on TIP into their activities. There appeared to be more support at the driver training school in Uganda than the one in Tanzania (which was government-run) to support its training curriculum to include a module on TIP. 101 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 5. Implications for policy and practice "We need to start focusing on the transport sector. We need to bring them on board to become fighters of TIP rather than facilitating it." Anti-trafficking CSO In both Tanzania and Uganda, the research confirmed that the transport sector plays a key role in TIP and provides an important entry point for identifying victims of TIP. The findings have the following implications for policy and practice: • The low level of awareness of TIP among community members, especially those in Tanzania, increases their vulnerability to TIP. In Uganda, where awareness levels were higher, it is possible that communities do not fully appreciate the trauma experienced by victims and the long-lasting mental and physical impacts on them, or fully understand that promises of financial gain seldom materialise. In both countries public information campaigns are desperately needed. Targeted campaigns in particularly vulnerable communities, including border communities, and in places where TIP victims are seen, such as bus stations, restaurants, in buses and at border truck stops, would make sense. Organisations like North Star Alliance, with its blue box clinics at borders, could play a role in raising awareness among border populations; • If targeted for training on TIP, traditional and religious leaders could have an important role to play if they are able to intervene at an early stage, when families are first approached by a would-be trafficker. In addition, certain occupations in both countries seem to be more likely than others to come into contact with victims of TIP (e.g. restaurant workers in Uganda, sex worker, money changers). Finding ways to engage with and involve these groups as individuals who can signpost victim support services or otherwise engage with potential victims would make sense; • Investment in public information campaigns on buses would appear to be a worthwhile intervention, especially if this encourages other passengers to enquire about children and young girls who are travelling long distances and potentially intervene; • Vehicle operators in both countries lack information on the risks and repercussions of TIP and very few have been trained or even given basic information on TIP. The research identified considerable support among vehicle operators for training and/or information. Considering the apparent significant behaviour change triggered with increased access to information about TIP, this would appear to be a useful intervention; • The EAC standardised curriculum for drivers of large commercial vehicles (passenger and freight) in driver training schools currently does not include training on human trafficking, prevention or response. Discussions are needed at a regional level about whether a mandatory module should be included. A short module about human trafficking could be integrated into new licence acquisition/licence extension training and refresher training, and could reach thousands of drivers every year; • The Tanzanian and Ugandan governments could also consider making the need to address TIP a mandatory requirement of transport associations. Transport associations play a key role in self-regulating the industry where resources to enforce are lacking. They could build the awareness of their members on TIP. However, it is worth noting that transport associations are generally quite poorly resourced; • Training for vehicle operators should focus on what the law says about human trafficking; victim identification; and the steps that drivers, conductors and turnboys can take if they encounter a trafficking situation. As part of this training, it will be important to place the safety and well-being of survivors at the centre of any response. A focus on behaviour change will be key, where participants are encouraged to imagine their son/daughter/niece/nephew as a trafficked person. Vehicle operators can also be encouraged to think of the consequences to them and their family if they are arrested, jailed, fined or lose their job; • Different strategies may be needed to reach those working in the formal versus informal sectors, and those working for large employers versus those working for small businesses. This requires some thought and careful planning. Transport associations appear to be keen and ready to get involved in the anti-TIP effort. Working in partnership with these organisations offers a huge opportunity, including those 102 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING representing small enterprises and owner-operators. 7 However, as indicated above, these associations tend to operate on a shoestring and hence are likely to need more resources. The associations also have a responsibility to place more pressure on government to act or at least recognise transport's role in TIP. Another way to reach the informal transport sector would be through the ride-hailing app companies. Safe Boda in Uganda, for example, already imposes a level of accountability on all their riders (e.g. they must wear helmets and high visibility jackets) and their code of conduct could be extended to include TIP; • The research identified that turnboys and conductors knew less about TIP than drivers. As these professions have greater potential for interaction with customers, and these individuals may also go on to become drivers, it would make sense to tailor an awareness-raising intervention targeting them; • The lack of understanding among both community members and vehicle operators of victim support services may affect their willingness to intervene if they recognise cases. Anti-human trafficking CSOs require funding support so that they can raise their profile and publicise the services and facilities that they provide; • Border control officials and traffic police both need to become more visible and proactive in the fight against TIP. Training at all levels, including of senior managers, is required to be backed up by effective supervision and appropriate resourcing of the roles. Ensuring that these enforcers systematically check the documentation of children who are travelling alone, and question those with whom they are travelling, will be critical in the anti-TIP fight. The very negative perception of regulatory officials in both countries among the general public is a concern and requires a public relations campaign to share successes and achievements from a TIP perspective; • Certain vehicles (e.g. especially different types of taxi and minibuses) seem to avoid vehicle and passenger checks at borders and are therefore likely to be a favoured form of transport for traffickers. These vehicles need to be targeted for regular or spot checks by regulatory officials so that the idea of these being "safe" forms of transport for TIP is challenged. Because some of these vehicles do not routinely pass through formal check points, regulatory officials may require more resources to pursue traffickers at favoured non-official cross-border routes; • Transport companies have an important role to play in combatting TIP as part of their commitment to corporate social responsibility. In view of the widespread perception among community members and vehicle operators in both Uganda and Tanzania that HGV drivers are heavily involved in TIP, these companies need to take steps to provide training for their drivers and to monitor and supervise them better. They could also consider introducing anti-TIP charters and/or a code of conduct for drivers that focuses specifically on trafficking and appointing organisational anti-TIP champions. Sharing the positive steps that they are taking via social media could also encourage other organisations to follow suit; • Considering the apparent scale and embeddedness of TIP in both countries, there is considerable scope to strengthen the implementation of anti-TIP laws. These laws should act as a strong deterrent to TIP, but the fact that a sizeable group of would-be "repeat offenders" exists in both countries suggests that sanctions are not being applied as much as they could be. As a deterrent, drivers involved in TIP and successfully prosecuted should lose their entitlement to drive passenger service vehicles, commercial trucks, etc. in addition to other any other punishment. Their employers should also face sanctions; • Scope for establishing a regional cross-border committee (involving Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania) to monitor TIP from a transport perspective should be investigated; • The voices of survivors that are highlighted in this research offer a potent insight into the human cost of TIP. The case studies will provide important material with which to engage with potential transport sector partners in a future intervention. Exploration of "sad memories" – what happened and how things could have been done differently – is a very useful methodology for beginning to engage with target groups for behaviour change activities; 7 The Amalgamated Transport and General Workers' Union (ATGWU) in Uganda indicates that it has a few thousand motorcycle taxi (i.e. boda boda) members. 103 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING • The research findings indicate that there is a case for investing in anti-TIP interventions whenever an HVT road is built or a formal border post established. This should be an automatic consideration as part of the mainstreaming of a focus on social inclusion into major infrastructure projects. Box 32: Summary of Key Policy Implications • Major transport infrastructure projects should include investment in anti-TIP interventions • Targeted anti-TIP campaigns are needed, especially in border communities and in buses. The voices of survivors, which reveal the human cost of trafficking, should feature in these campaigns • Vehicle operators (drivers, conductors and turn-boys) require improved access to information and training on TIP • Regional level discussions about introducing mandatory modules in driver training curricula are needed • Anti-TIP activities should be a mandatory focus of transport associations • Targeted strategies for reaching the informal transport sector are required (e.g. via ride hailing apps) • Vehicles that seem to avoid border checks (e.g. taxis and minibuses) should be specifically targeted for spot-checks by the regulatory authorities. Extra resources may be required to this end • The implementation of anti-TIP laws needs to be strengthened so that the law acts as a strong deterrent to TIP A regional cross-border committee involving Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania could play an important role in monitoring TIP from a transport perspective 6. Ideas for further research The research raised a number of questions that warrant further exploration: • Considering the small percentage of bus and coach vehicle operators involved in this research (10%, and mainly in Tanzania), further research is needed to explore their knowledge of TIP, the role they play in it and their perspectives on the regulatory officials working to combat TIP. CSOs highlighted the important role played by long-distance buses in TIP – all survivors in Tanzania and in Uganda travelled by bus for at least part of the journey. Bus and coach drivers may not interact very much with passengers and hence sensitisation of conductors should be a priority; • Private vehicles such as taxis seem to be involved in TIP on a large scale in Uganda, especially. Additional research focusing on private modes of transport could reveal a great deal about how these actors are involved and how the circle of TIP can be broken; • The research highlighted that some transporter businesses seem to be directly and proactively involved in TIP. It will be important to find out more about the types of businesses that are involved, whether smallscale, sole-owner or larger, more established businesses, and to determine the best ways to engage with them; • Further research is required to understand more about whether traffic police and border officials are negligent in terms of undertaking a low level of checks and/or are not thorough when carrying out their checks, or are more actively involved in TIP; • From the perspective of developing interventions for the transport sector, further exploration of how to reach informal sector vehicle operators, as opposed to those who work for established companies, is needed. Some associations include informal sector vehicle operators (e.g. ATGWU in Uganda has a few thousand motorcycle taxi members) and hence could play an important role in an awareness-raising intervention. However, there may be other means to reach the informal sector; • A significant proportion of respondents in both countries believed that border officials and traffic police are actively involved in TIP in ways that extend beyond negligence. Our research team was unable to speak directly to regulatory officers in Tanzania. Further research in this area could help to identify solutions that will help to interrupt TIP; 104 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING • The selection of research sites included three cross-border posts. It would be interesting to undertake a similar transport-focused study in some inland research sites such as Karamoja in Uganda and Mbeya in Tanzania (many maids in Dar es Salaam come from this area). Such a study could help to shed more light on different aspects of the domestic trafficking trade in each country. 7. Conclusion Human trafficking is facilitated by networks of people, including strategists, co-ordinators, logisticians, recruiters, transporters, hosts, other "middle-men" and end-users. Our research focused on the part played by vehicle operators (drivers, conductors and turnboys) and regulatory officials (border control officials and traffic police) in TIP and focused specifically on HVT corridors. The TIP-related knowledge, attitudes and practices of the communities that live and work in close proximity to HVT corridors were also investigated. These are all topics on which there has been limited research to date. The research confirmed the importance of the transport sector and HVT corridors in facilitating TIP in Tanzania and Uganda. It highlighted: • gaps in awareness of and exposure to TIP among the communities that border HVT corridors, especially in Tanzania; • the fact that a small but significant proportion of community members and vehicle operators had been approached by suspected traffickers; • the significance of transport vehicles and transport hubs as locations where TIP victims are seen; • the impression that vehicle operators involved in TIP were well organised and thought to be primarily motivated by financial gain; • the very low level of information or training provision on TIP for vehicle operators; • the very low level of confidence in the anti-TIP role of regulatory officials; • the existence of a cadre of possible "TIP repeat offenders" among vehicle operators; • the absence of a focus on TIP in the activities of transport associations and in driver training school curricula. Understanding of the effect of COVID-19 on the number of victims and drivers' willingness to be involved in TIP varied, with respondents in Uganda more likely to link the pandemic to an increase in trafficking activities. Interviews with survivors of TIP provided insights into the human face of trafficking and hinted at the trauma experienced by those caught up in the trade. 8. Next steps Based on the findings of this research and what they imply for policy and practice, it makes sense to design and implement a number of pilots that test and measure the impact of targeted interventions. This research could serve as a baseline if such interventions are carried out in the same locations. The pilots could include: • awareness-raising interventions for vehicle operators developed in partnership with transport associations; • training interventions developed in partnership with driver training schools or private sector transport operators; • targeted public education campaigns that focus on border communities or that target the transport routes and vehicles favoured by traffickers; • awareness-raising or training interventions targeting border control officials and traffic police. The next phase of this project (phase 4), which begins in April 2022, will involve the design, implementation and evaluation of one or more pilot anti-trafficking interventions for the transport sector. The Research Strategy Reference Group, which comprises stakeholders from government, academia and private and civil society sectors, will be consulted on the priority interventions and their design and will be involved in 105 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING reviewing their impact. This phase will last for six months. The final phase of the project (phase 5) will focus on uptake and embedment of the research. This three-month phase will begin in September 2022. A peer review journal article will be produced and a number of dissemination activities, including a webinar, are planned. 106 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX A: SAFEGUARDING PLAN Prevention Reporting Response • A safeguarding risk assessment regarding the health, safety, security and well-being of everyone involved in the research will be undertaken prior to the launch of fieldlevel research activities. • The risk assessment will be periodically reviewed, and mitigation plans during the project life cycle will be put in place with sector lessons from the COVID-19 crisis, specifically related to Preventing Sexual Exploitation, Abuse and Harassment (PSEAH). • Field researchers will be thoroughly vetted and hired based on a previous track record of work and appropriate behaviour. • Field researchers will be trained in the project's ethical research approach. • Field researchers will be trained in safeguarding issues, including issues of power dynamics and vulnerability. They will be required to sign up to a code of conduct and to review and sign a number of related policies (safeguarding – PSEAH, anti-trafficking, antibribery, etc.) prior to the start of field activities. • Solicitation of favours from beneficiaries for services rendered under the project will not be tolerated and is covered by our safeguarding and antibribery policies. • Research managers will organise regular formal feedback sessions with the research team to discuss their field work experiences and any potential or actual safeguarding issues. The North Star Alliance Safeguarding Officer will help to facilitate these sessions. • Field researchers will be made aware of Cardno's safeguarding policies, the role of North Star's local Safeguarding Officer and other safeguarding focal points, what to do when reporting a safeguarding incident, how these issues will be responded to and what safety protocols are in place to protect individuals reporting incidents. • Community and other leaders will be advised of where to report any safeguarding incidents that arise during the research. • Victims or survivors of human trafficking are particularly vulnerable and may not know that they are being trafficked. They may be in the company of minders or other individuals who are controlling their movement and interactions with others. Although we plan to undertake interviews with survivors of human trafficking within a safe environment, facilitated by a CSO with a track record of working with these individuals, the field-level research, which will focus on transport sector actors, may bring researchers into contact with victims of trafficking. Researchers will therefore be trained in how to identify trafficking victims/survivors, how to respond and how to appropriately report cases. • North Star's local Safeguarding Officer will report all safeguarding events to Cardno and the relevant government (e.g. social welfare, police) and other authorities while taking all consideration to ensure confidentiality, safety and the prevention of further personal harm. • All safeguarding incidents will be thoroughly investigated in a timely and confidential manner. • Field researchers will be trained in how to offer immediate information and support to victims/survivors of trafficking, as appropriate. This may involve referral (if a victim/survivor of trafficking is willing and able to accept help) to North Star's Crisis Management Team. • North Star clinic staff will be trained in how to deal with trafficking victims/survivors. This will involve dealing with any immediate health care and psycho-social support needs and onwards referral to victim/survivor support services and other relevant authorities. • Victims/survivors of trafficking will not be released from a North Star Clinic until appropriate referral services have been successfully activated. • Feedback will be given to community members or leaders involved in the reporting of a safeguarding incident. 107 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Prevention Reporting Response • Community and other leaders will be appraised of the research aims, and of the project's ethical research approach, prior to the start of the primary research. They will be encouraged to disseminate this information through their networks. • The project's ethical research approach will be explained prior to the start of communitybased and other key informant interviews. Research participants will be asked to sign a consent form prior to the start of an interview (which will be filed) and advised that they can stop the interview at any time. • Field researchers will be trained on how to assess whether a research interaction is likely to place a research subject in immediate danger and to withdraw from the interaction in a way that minimises risk and danger if required. • Because trafficking may be linked to organised networks of criminals, researchers and clinic staff may face (or perceive that they face) personal danger because of their involvement in the project. All research personnel will be trained in personal safety and what to do if they find themselves in a potentially dangerous situation. • Researchers will work in pairs when conducting research activities, where appropriate. 108 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX B: COVID-19 MITIGATION PLAN Organisational and Administrative Measures Team Co-ordinators' Measures that Ensure Safety of the Teams Measures Taken by Individual Team Members • Avoid concentration of staff, organise travelling options that ensure a minimum separation of one metre in case of use of collective transport; • Conduct a COVID-19 awareness course for all staff before commencing any survey activities; • Ensure all emergency contacts are gathered and shared; • Implement procedures to communicate and address issues related to cleaning and disinfection of equipment (including tables and chairs being used); • Provide staff with the conditions and means necessary for frequent handwashing, sanitising, and wearing of masks and gloves as appropriate; • Inform staff of the need to avoid physical contact and avoid touching eyes, nose and mouth before performing hand hygiene and sanitisation; • Inform staff of the need to wear masks while in the field to protect the mouth and nose; • Supply research participants with disposal face masks for the duration of the interview, as appropriate (masks to be disposed of by participants). • Periodically monitor the prevention and control measures to determine whether they have been adequate to avoid or minimise risk and identify and implement corrective actions for continuous improvement; • Encourage health promotion and well-being in the field through sufficient rest, and balance of physical and mental activity; • Identify health facilities in the area; • Establish communication with local authorities for updates on confirmed cases in the location of work; • Build relationships with community members as a source of information on any active cases within the community; • Undertake a risk assessment to determine the likelihood of a survey or the arrival of the team causing panic or anxiety in the community and to determine the preventive and control measures necessary for the type of surveys scheduled; • Have up-to-date contacts of all team members; • If the survey duration is more than a day trip, organise and check for COVID-19 prevention procedure at the accommodation prior to undertaking the survey; • Ensure prevention and control measures are implemented before commencing surveys (i.e. sufficient masks and hand sanitisers for team for duration of survey); • Securely organise breaks for sustenance; • Conduct daily debriefs and planning with team; • Encourage team members to report any situations that may affect their health and safety; • Arrange for drinks, snacks and meals to be securely sourced and carried with • Promote personal hygiene; • Wear masks at all times; • Avoid sharing personal items and survey equipment (if used) with other members; • Each member to be responsible for regular cleaning and disinfecting of survey equipment assigned to them before handing it to another member; • Avoid use of airconditioning in the vehicles, and preferably use natural ventilation by opening of windows, weather permitting; • Always stay updated with communications from the relevant sources on COVID-19 cases in the region; • Where applicable, each team member should personally confirm that their planned accommodation is checked for COVID-19 prevention procedures prior to undertaking any research surveys; • Report any signs and symptoms of COVID-19 for quick action. This will reduce risk of exposure for other team members; • Take opportunities to increase awareness among research participants of COVID-19 prevention and response wherever possible. 109 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Organisational and Administrative Measures Team Co-ordinators' Measures that Ensure Safety of the Teams Measures Taken by Individual Team Members • Provide team co-ordinators with an option to postpone research activities when determined that the team members and/or participants are at high risk; • Ensure staff members' mental well-being through regular check-ins and sharing of mental health and well-being guidelines. the team members daily rather than purchased from the community during the survey. 110 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX C: TRAINING PROGRAMME FOR FIELD RESEARCHERS RESEARCH ASSISTANTS RESEARCH SUPERVISORS DAY ONE DAY TWO DAY THREE DAY FOUR TIME TOPICS TIME TOPICS TIME TOPICS TIME TOPICS 08:15 am – 08.30 am Pre-training test 08.30- 10.00 am Orientation on: Community member tool 08.30-10.00 Research data collection plan; data collection schedule, procedures and standards; data entry plan. 08.30-10.00 Orientation on research instruments: Victims/Survivo rs 08.30 – 09.45am Introductions and housekeeping Introduction to the research 10.00-10.45 Orientation: Drivers tool 10.00-10.45 Research site mapping; identifying research participants; appropriate days/times to reach participants 10.00-10.45 Outline of Research Supervisors' roles 09.45 – 10.45 What is human trafficking? 10.45-11.00 BREAK 10.45-11.00 BREAK 10.45-11.00 BREAK 10.45-11.00 BREAK 11.00-11.45 Orientation: Drivers tool (continued) 11.00-12.30 Research site mapping; identifying research participants; appropriate days/times to reach participants 11.00-12.30 Outline of Research Supervisors' roles; closing of training 11.00 – 12.30 Safeguarding 11.45-12.30 Q&A on community and driver research tools 12.30-13.30 LUNCH 12.30-1.30 LUNCH 12.30-13.30 LUNCH 13.30-14.30 Daily progress reports and data entry logistics. RA TOR and contracts. 13.30-15.00 Research ethics and consent form 13.30-14.30 Orientation: Border control officials tool 14.30-15.30 Post-training test and selfmarking 15.00-16.00 Working safely during COVID19 14.30-15.30 Orientation: Police officers tool 15.30-15.45 Research assistants training closing remarks. 16.00-16.30 Recap of day 15.30-16.00 Recap of day 111 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX D: LESSONS LEARNED: MANAGEMENT OF ETHICAL APPROVAL The project faced several unexpected challenges with the ethical approval process. These led to the following key lessons learned. It is hoped that the lessons will be relevant and useful to other research projects. 1. Awareness of process and steps. Ethical approval in Tanzania and Uganda was a multiple step process. a. Not only is ethical approval necessary in each country, but research registration was also necessary. These are both intensive processes which require significant effort and the submission of various forms, protocols, and other documents and cannot be done in parallel. b. In addition, in Tanzania, the approval of the most appropriate governing body, the Ministry of Home Affairs (MoHA), was required. Similarly, in Uganda, the approval of the Resident District Commissioner (RDC) in each research site was necessary to carry out the research. In some cases, these approvals required additional endorsement from the Presidential office. c. A key lesson is that it is important to carry out the necessary due diligence when developing timelines to ensure that there is a clear understanding of all necessary approval steps. 2. Timelines. Research registration processes cost a great deal of time and may be interrupted if the designated person is not available or when additional intermediary steps are required. a. A significant amount of follow up (generally from a local partner/affiliate) was needed to ensure that the requests and submissions were pushed through. b. National holidays and other delays (voting, pandemics) not only create delays but also a backlog of work at the institutions. These affect processing times. c. Delays in securing ethical approval and research clearance lead to delays in research implementation. A key lesson is that a buffer period is advised to accommodate for unplanned steps and delays. 3. Local partner or affiliate. If a research project is implemented in an international context (specifically African based), a local partner is highly recommended. There are several advantages to working with a local partner: a. A local affiliate is generally a requirement of the review boards. This is largely to ensure that local ethical standards are being met when carrying out the research. This requires at least one site visit by the local affiliate. In Tanzania the local partner/affiliate is also required to make the submission. This proved to be an additional cost in both Tanzania and Uganda and demanded a significant amount of (unexpected) work from the affiliates in both countries. b. The ethical approval process required frequent communication with the ethical approval body. This often needed to be done in person as well as to submit hard-copy documents. Having a local partner helped improve communication and enabled the research project to submit documents in a timely manner. c. A significant amount of administration was required. This was easier to do locally, such as printing, delivery, collection and making enquiries. d. Additional demands were placed on international researchers and organisations that do not apply to local researchers. Local (in this case UK) ethical approval was required. In addition, additional costs were placed on international researchers. e. The ethical approval and research registration process required a significant amount of familiarity with the system as well as key stakeholders. Having a local partner/affiliate with this knowledge is highly recommended. 112 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING 4. Costs. The cost of obtaining ethical approval and research clearance was significant. Unexpected costs were encountered. The clearance bodies required a payment upon submission and/or approval. There were also costs associated with the assembly of documents. a. The feedback received from all four institutions, which required a significant amount of input from team members, required additional days that had not been budgeted for. b. There were several trips to the respective offices in Tanzania to submit documents, which is located in Dodoma – eight to nine hours from the capital city of Dar es Salaam. This involved expenditure on transport, accommodation and per diems. In Uganda the local affiliate was required to make several trips to both the ethical review board as well as other offices that were involved in the process of giving approval. c. The research registration in Tanzania levied charge of 300USD per international researcher. These costs were not clearly communicated on the official website. This had a significant effect on the budget. d. Site visits by the local affiliates were costly. In Tanzania this required the purchase of flights and bus tickets, in addition to day rates, per diems and accommodation. In Uganda this required transport and a day rate plus per diem. e. The request for the presence of local officials from MoHA during the research in Tanzania prior to granting approval also added unexpected costs to the budget. f. Smaller unexpected costs were encountered. For example in Uganda, two bound copies of essential documents had to be provided in order to obtain research clearance. 113 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX E: SUMMARY OF FINDINGS SUMMARY OF COMMUNITY RESULTS Topic/Question Tanzania Uganda Heard about human trafficking Heard a lot: 20% Heard a little: 45% Heard nothing: 34% Heard a lot: 49% Heard a little: 47% Heard nothing: 4% Community members who believe they have seen TIP victims Yes: 20% No: 72% Not sure: 8% Yes: 62% No: 37% Not specified: 1% Personally approached by trafficker Yes: 9% Women: 12%; Men: 4% Yes: 27% Women: 41%; Men: 14% Perceptions of main victims of TIP Adolescent girls: 49% Adult women: 25% Adolescent boys: 17% Adolescent girls: 76% Adult women: 17% Adolescent boys: 16% Main forms of exploitation Sex work Domestic work Sex work Domestic work Locations where victims seen Transport or transport hubs: 66% Transport or transport hubs: 42% Trends in volume of TIP Increasing: 14% Not increasing: 38% Don't know: 47% Increasing: 59% Not increasing: 28% Don't know: 12% Effect of COVID-19 on # victims Increasing: 9% Decreasing: 11% Stayed the same: 11% Don't know: 68% Increasing: 32% Decreasing: 57% Stayed the same: 4% Don't know: 5% Who organises TIP Community members: 33% Criminal organisations: 33% Victim's family: 22% Community members: 34% Organisations/businesses: 31% Victim's family: 19% Are drivers using HVT roads involved in TIP Yes: 25% No: 30% Don't know: 45% Yes: 62% No: 13% Don't know: 22% Drivers most likely involved Truck drivers: 55% Bus drivers: 24% Coach drivers: 11% Truck drivers: 50% Motorcycle taxis: 33% Bus drivers: 26% 114 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING SUMMARY OF COMMUNITY RESULTS (cont.) Topic/Question Tanzania Uganda Are drivers aware of what doing Yes: 79% No: 16% Don't know: 4% Yes: 62% No: 29% Don't know: 8% Are drivers well organised Yes: 73% Yes: 52% How drivers work (in terms of TIP) On own: 34% In groups: 59% On own: 34% In groups: 59% Main driver motivation Favour for a friend: 84% Favour for a friend: 92% Effect of COVID-19 on drivers' involvement in TIP Less likely involved: 21% More likely involved: 16% Don't know: 55% Less likely involved: 39% More likely involved: 48% Don't know: 9% Are border control officials involved in TIP Inadequate no. respondents Yes: 69% Are traffic police involved in TIP Yes: 21% No: 46% Don't know: 33% Yes: 50% No: 33% Don't know: 14% Will training drivers in TIP make a difference Yes: 88% No: 6% Yes: 68% No: 16% Other ways transport companies can help combat TIP Increase driver salaries: 39% More sanctions for drivers: 21% Better supervision of drivers: 15% Better supervision of drivers: 37% More sanctions for drivers: 26% Increase driver salaries: 21% 115 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING SUMMARY OF VEHICLE OPERATOR RESULTS Topic/Question Tanzania Uganda Knows about human trafficking Yes: 78% No: 20% Yes: 84% No: 14% Cases of TIP seen Many/some: 28% Very few: 35% None: 16% Don't know: 22% Many/some: 39% Very few: 25% None: 28% Don't know: 7% Main victims of TIP Adolescent boys: 36% Adolescent girls: 25% All ages: 24% Adolescent girls: 51% Adult women: 19% All ages: 17% Vehicles most involved in TIP HGV: 53% Bus: 21% Minibus: 16% HGV: 44% Taxis/private cars: 26% Buses: 30% Do drivers involved in TIP work on own (employers unaware) Yes: 55% No: 24% Don't know: 21% Yes: 52% No: 38% Don't know: 10% Locations where drivers most likely to be approached by traffickers Bus station: 26% Border crossing: 25% Private dwelling: 15% Rural area: 15% Truck stop: 14% Urban areas: 30% Truck stop: 25% Border crossing: 17% Private dwelling: 17% Bus stations: 14% Trends in volume of TIP Increasing: 15% Decreasing: 54% No change: 21% Don't know: 11% Increasing: 58% Decreasing: 23% No change: 6% Don't know: 12% Effect of COVID-19 on driver involvement in TIP Less likely involved: 19% More likely involved: 6% No effect: 34% Don't know: 40% Less likely involved: 46% More likely involved: 42% No effect: 4% Don't know: 8% Effect of COVID-19 on # victims Increasing: 10% Decreasing: 25% Same: 16% Don't know: 49% Increasing: 24% Decreasing: 59% Same: 6% Don't know: 10% What motivates drivers to transport victims Money: 90% Lack of knowledge: 9% Money: 87% Trying to be helpful: 12% 116 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING SUMMARY OF VEHICLE OPERATOR RESULTS Topic/Question Tanzania Uganda Risks involved in transporting victims of TIP Lot of risk: 78% Little/no risk: 12% Lot of risk: 73% Little/no risk: 19% Main outcome if driver caught transporting victims Prosecution/prison: 85% Sacked: 9% Fined: 6% Prosecution/prison: 54% Fined: 38% Sacked: 19% Driver ever asked to transport victim of TIP Yes: 9% No: 90% Yes: 37% No: 63% (Of those asked to transport a victim of TIP) willingness to transport a victim in the future Yes: 11% Yes: 28% How often border control officials check vehicles Always: 46% Sometimes: 13% Never: 3% Always: 60% Sometimes: 32% Never: 5% How frequently passenger ID checked Always/frequently: 49% Sometimes: 28% Never: 19% Always/frequently: 46% Sometimes: 41% Never: 11% Involvement of border officials in TIP Take bribes: 38% Agreements with traffickers: 8% Arrange trafficking: 2% Turn blind eye: 5% Not involved: 19% Don't know: 29% Take bribes: 68% Agreements with traffickers: 7% Arrange trafficking: 5% Turn blind eye: 16% Not involved: 9% What would help border officials combat TIP Better training: 37% Better supervision: 20% Increased pay: 15% More officers: 13% Better supervision: 35% Better training: 24% Better pay: 13% More officers: 13% Whether traffic police do enough to combat TIP Yes: 42% No: 50% Yes: 26% No: 61% Involvement of traffic police in TIP Not involved: 27% Take bribes: 40% Have agreements: 5% Arrange trafficking: 2% Turn blind eye: 6% Not involved: 11% Take bribes: 61% Have agreements: 9% Arrange trafficking: 3% Turn blind eye: 10% 117 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING SUMMARY OF VEHICLE OPERATOR RESULTS Topic/Question Tanzania Uganda Extent to which traffic police vehicle checks thorough Always: 39% Sometimes: 44% Never: 16% Always: 25% Sometimes: 60% Never: 11% How often traffic police check passengers' ID Always/frequently: 23% Sometimes: 32% Never: 42% Always/frequently: 26% Sometimes: 44% Never: 26% What would help traffic police do more to combat TIP Training: 49% Better pay: 19% Supervision: 18% More officers: 11% Supervision: 42% Training: 27% Better pay: 22% More officers: 9% Drivers ever trained in TIP Yes: 7% No: 89% Yes: 10% No: 88% What can transport companies do to help drivers combat TIP Provide training: 34% Provide information: 29% Increase pay: 21% Improve supervision: 15% Provide information: 38% Provide training: 35% Improve supervision: 23% Increase pay: 16% Most important training topic for drivers TIP law: 36% How to identify victim: 29% Drivers' role in combatting TIP: 24% How to identify victims: 39% Drivers' role in combatting TIP: 27% TIP law: 20% 118 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX F: SURVIVOR CASE STUDIES: TANZANIA The following six case studies are paraphrased from interviews with survivors of human trafficking in Tanzania. The interviews were arranged with the support of CSOs who worked with survivors of human trafficking in Tanzania. Case Study 1 My parents separated and my father married another woman. I was living with my dad, but he was not able to take me to school. My stepmother used to mistreat me. My father fell ill and died. I left home and went back to live with my mother together with my other siblings. Life was very difficult, including going without food some days. I was recruited by a friend who used to live in Dar es Salaam. She promised me a good job in the city. My friend booked me a bus. She also organised for a boda boda rider to pick me up and take me to the main bus stop. The boda boda rider had my travel booking details and communicated to the bus driver to drop me off at the main stage in Dar es Salaam. During the journey, we passed several police stops. The police did not investigate or look in the vehicle. During the journey I was anxious because I was not aware of where I was going or who I would meet, although I expected my friend would come for me at the bus stop in Dar es Salaam. During the journey I was hungry and very thirsty because I did not have money to buy food or water during the journey. The employer picked me up from the bus station. The lady who was my employer started mistreating me. She denied me food and basic needs, verbally abused me and refused to pay me my wages. A neighbour where I worked got concerned and asked me whether I needed help. When I accepted, she referred me to [human trafficking CSO]. I waited for a time when my employer had stepped out then I left. The lady neighbour had organised a boda boda to pick me up from outside and take me to the CSO. The CSO rescued me and gave me shelter and basic needs. They also asked me to choose between the option of staying with them and learning a vocational skill before returning back home or going back home immediately. I had never heard about human trafficking before my experience. Information on TIP should be made available to young people like me at school so that from a young age one is aware of the vice and knows the measures to be taken to prevent or to seek help. The police need to check the ID of girls and people who travel and establish reasons for travel. Our communities can give people advice on what to do in case they are stranded and provide important contacts and information on where one can get help. Drivers need to be more attentive and ensure they know the reasons for travel for the girls who travel in buses. When they know that the girls are being trafficked, they can work with the police to help them. Case Study 2 I have four siblings. My mother died in 2015. My dad is actually my stepdad since my mum married after I was born. We had a difficult life after my mum died. My relationship with my stepdad ended and so I went to my aunt who was a farmer. My aunt took a picture of me and posted online on social media. I wasn't sure why she did this. I was promised work in Dar es Salaam. I asked my aunt what kind of work I would be doing, but she did not know. I was excited that I was going to start working and earn money to help my family, but I didn't know what kind of work I was going to do. I travelled on my own. My aunt paid 30,000 TSh for transport. I am sure that the driver knew what was happening because my aunt just instructed him where I would alight once we get to Dar es Salaam. Drivers mostly play their role by just ensuring that passengers arrive. I do not remember seeing any police station or police on the road. The man who received me said that there was no work and he wanted to marry me if I was ready. The man never used to give me food. When I declined attention, he raped me and that is when I realised I was trafficked and there was no work. He used to rape me every day. I talked to the lady who owned the house in my second week of stay. When the man heard that I had talked to the land lady he disappeared. The lady 119 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING rescued me in the second week. A CSO working on human trafficking received me and provided me with basic needs including shelter. I am also currently learning beauty and hairdressing. Young girls should take time to think before they rush to fall in for any promise. If it is about work, they should confirm the terms first before accepting to travel. The media and schools can be useful. I feel institutions and authorities like the police should be vigilant in major transport stations to check the people who arrive from different places and rescue the ones being trafficked. I had no awareness of human trafficking before my experience. I see more girls being trafficked. I have no idea of COVID-19 has affected the numbers. Case Study 3 I was recruited by my aunt who promised that she would help me go back to school. I come from a family of six and studied up to secondary school but was unable to continue due to financial challenges. I wanted to study social studies. I travelled from Ulanga by bus to Morogoro with my aunty who paid 30,000 TSh for the bus. The journey took nine hours, but we didn't encounter any police or checks along the way. We stopped on the way at least four times. I was not aware of the situation I was going into. My aunt got me to work in her shop without being paid and the promise to go back to school was cancelled. After some time, my father sent me the bus fare to travel home. I went back to my village in Ulanga. I'm now at [CSO offering support to victims of TIP]. They offer psychological support and vocational training. The police must check vehicles, especially buses from villages to towns. They should ask passengers questions. Drivers should be provided training on human trafficking. Transport companies should investigate kids who have travelled without their parents. Communities should also ask questions of drivers, especially if they see any suspicious activity on buses, or if they see children who are travelling by themselves. Case Study 4 I was born and raised in a family of three children. My family was very poor. I was recruited by a neighbour from my village who now lives in Dar es Salaam. She talked to my mother. I was promised work in a shop. I travelled from Kilombero to Dar es Salaam. My neighbour and my mother arranged the bus which cost 50,000 TSh. The journey took 12 hours and I travelled with my neighbour. The bus stopped at Uduzungwa for inspection. When I arrived in Dar es Salaam, my neighbour handed me over to a bar owner and that was when I realised I had been trafficked. I was forced to sleep with clients. I refused and was sometimes beaten by the bar owner. One day when I had had enough, I waited for the boss to leave home. I broke into her room and took 30,000 TSh and ran away. I was given directions by a friend and took a minibus to Goba to my aunt's house. My aunt took me to [CSO supporting victims of human trafficking]. There should be provision for training about human trafficking issues since the majority of people are unaware of these activities. The police should ask questions of passengers more often, and also be given training on human trafficking. When drivers are attending their driving school, there should be a human trafficking course so that they can be able to identify victims and help them. Transport companies should set strict rules and not allow drivers to engage in human trafficking activities. Parents should involve the local leaders before handing their children over to other people since there are chances that they are being deceived. Case Study 5 I was born into a family of three children, and we experienced a lot of financial challenges. I was transported by bus from my village to Morogoro with the promise that I would be a house maid in the town. The journey took 14 hours. We stopped just once to eat something. The neighbour travelled with me, paid the fare and then handed me over to my employer when we stopped in Mbezi, Dar es Salaam. I was not aware of what was happening and did not know anything about human trafficking before my experience. I was taken to work in a hotel. I was not given a salary and was sometimes not given food. My employer would tell me to have sex with the customers who used to eat at the hotel. I was expected to cook, do chores, and I was exploited sexually. This was different from what I was promised. I escaped by leaving the hotel one day when I was by myself and the owner was coming to work late. I walked for a while until I saw the ward office where I went for help. The people at the ward office took me to [CSO working with victims of human trafficking]. 120 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Parents should know the true intention of people who go to villages asking and promising their children a good life in town. The government should make strict laws against traffickers. The traffic police and border officials should be given training on human trafficking. Drivers should be taught about human trafficking at driving schools. This will create awareness about human trafficking and stop them getting involved during transportation. Transport companies should set rules which prohibit the truckers to carry passengers in their trucks. Case Study 6 I used to live with both of my parents and three siblings. I dropped out of school at class 4 when I lost both my parents. Once I'd dropped out of school, a lady who used to be our neighbour approached me and asked me if I was interested to do housework in Dar es Salaam. I accepted and the lady offered to pay for my ticket. She took me to a driver and told him to bring me to Dar es Salaam. I had not travelled out of my hometown before, so I did not have an idea of where I was going to. A boda boda driver came to pick me up and took me to the main bus stop. The rider had my travel booking details and communicated to the bus driver to drop me off at the main stage in Dare es Salaam. We left at 6 am and arrived around 8 pm, so 14 hours. We stopped over for toilet breaks several times. I do not remember the names of the locations. The lady who arranged the transport knew that it would be a long journey, but she did not bother to give me any money for food or drinks along the way. I was not sure where I was going and so I felt anxious. I was very hungry throughout the journey. We passed police and they looked into the vehicle to check and confirm whether the passengers were OK. They did not talk to me or the other passengers. I think if they knew about my situation, they would have helped. I didn't know the lady I was going to work for or where I was going, so I waited in the bus. The driver handed me to a lady who was to become my boss. When I got into her house, she had four children. The youngest was three months old, she had twins aged three years, and the oldest was around six. Both the lady and her husband used to go to work early in the morning and returned in the evening. I used to remain at home with the toddler and the twins who had not started going to school. She promised to pay me 30,000 TSh. She also promised to take me for vocational training when all her children started going to school. I stayed there for a year, and she only paid me for four months. After a year I ran away and went to a Catholic Church in the area. Back at home I used to go to a Catholic Church, and I had hope that the priest would help. The priest listened to me and organised for me to be picked and dropped off first at the police station and then at the [CSO providing support to victims of human trafficking]. The police said that they would do an investigation and call me, but they never called. The next thing they reported to the CSO was that the family that I used to work for had moved from the area. The CSO has provided me with all my basic needs including shelter and are now training me in tailoring skills. I think that the police should do some passenger checks. They should be more vigilant and search vehicles, including interacting with passengers. They should hold drivers accountable for all their passengers. The drivers should be careful not to allow children or very young girls travel by themselves especially because when these children get lost, they will be arrested. Other passengers should be concerned about children or very young girls travelling by themselves and should interrogate them. 121 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING APPENDIX G: SURVIVOR CASE STUDIES: UGANDA The following six case studies are paraphrased from interviews with survivors of human trafficking in Uganda. The interviews were arranged with the support of CSOs who worked with survivors of human trafficking in Uganda. Case Study 1 I am 40 years old. I am separated from my husband, who abandoned me and my children. I had to rent a single room. I was struggling to provide rent, food and school fees for me and my children. I was befriended by someone who began giving me money (2,000 USh) when they visited me. When this person found out that I had a passport, I was given 5,000 USh. As time went on, the friend began started to talk about going to Arab countries for a job. The friend came back three more times. The third time she asked for photos and passport details which were sent on email. Three days after sending this information, I was sent a visa and told to travel immediately to Kenya. My friend told me to board a bus and warned me not to tell anyone of my plans because some people could bewitch me. The bus was going at 8pm and I had to think of how I could leave my children when I was not able to tell anyone about my plans. My friend offered to look after my children and possessions. I was told not to pack any clothes. I was also told not to show my passport at the borders so that the authorities would not suspect that I was travelling. When I arrived in Nairobi, some people were waiting for me at the bus stop and took me to a hotel. I was taken to another hotel in Nairobi to eat where I saw many other Ugandans. One of the men who picked me up from the bus stop, a Ugandan man, came and took me back to his home, where he left me with a woman and child. Upon his return he gave me an air ticket instructed me to go to the airport and board the plane. I explained to the man that I did not know anything. The man paid an airport official to allow me to pass and board my flight to Dubai. Once I was in Dubai, an unknown man grabbed me and took my passport. I was with six other Ugandan girls who had not originally travelled with me. We were taken to different houses. My salary was paid to "the office", a business which was run by Ethiopians. I was beaten and my legs were swollen. I was told that if I refused to work my visa would be cancelled. My boss demanded a refund for the money she had paid to the office for me. She received a refund of 6 million Ugandan shillings. I was then put on display at the office for other Arabs to be able to buy me. I refused to be sold and asked to go back to Uganda. At this point I had not been paid anything. I eventually escaped and met some other Ugandans at a bus stop. The Ugandans were looking for women who had escaped so that they could convince them to get involved in some other work. I was taken to another house where I met the Ugandan agents who organised for the Ugandan men to find escaped women. These agents brought in men who would sexually exploit the women. Any money that was earned was paid to the Ugandan owner. I escaped to the Ugandan Embassy in Abu Dhabi. Instead of offering me help, the embassy scolded me for refusing to work and I was sent away without any support. I eventually went to a church where I was provided with food and rest and asked to be repatriated to Uganda. My passport had been taken at the airport and was being kept at "the office". Members of the church accompanied her to the office, where the people there demanded 6 million USh for her passport. The pastor raised the money and paid for her passport to be released. When I arrived back in Uganda, I found that my friend had sold all my possessions. I went to an anti-trafficking officer who referred me to [a CSO working on anti-trafficking]. My friend was arrested, and I was paid a five million USh settlement. If the government can put more checks at the borders since people are mostly trafficked through the borders not the airport. The embassies need to help people. I wasn't helped, but rather chased away to go back and work. 122 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING Case Study 2 A relative approached my mum and told her that I could go and do some babysitting work in Kenya. She took me to the Busia border. The lady crossed over with me to Kenya and left me with her mother who lives there. The mother booked me into a bus to Nairobi and sent me to her daughter. The idea was that I would work for her. They gave the driver the daughter's phone number. I stayed with the daughter for a short time. She used to abuse me, strangle me, and deny me food. One day, one of her neighbours took me to a nearby police station. The police took me to a shelter house. The lady was not arrested because she was nursing a baby. There is still a pending court case in Nairobi where I need to attend in June 2021. The shelter linked me to an organisation which took up the matter with the authorities and pursued legal action. The organisation brought me back to Uganda working with [anti-trafficking CSO]. Case Study 3 My parents abandoned me, and I lived with my siblings. My dad left home when I was eight and came back when I was 13. I had started to sell firewood in my hometown and used the money to buy food for myself and my siblings. I later traced my mother and left her with my younger siblings. A community member took me to another person to work. The lady began to mistreat me, and I decided to run away. I got work in a bar in a different district. I also left due to mistreatment by the patrons and later got a job at a restaurant. I was paid 80,000 USh for a month. I returned to my mum, but she chased me away. Then a friend of mine got me a job in a restaurant. The owner of the restaurant told us both that he would take us to Kampala to work in his hotel and he would pay us 80,000 USh. The owner travelled with us to Kampala. The journey was around 300 kms and we weren't stopped at any point. Drivers are bribed and are eating dirty money. When we reached Kampala, the man changed his story and told us that we were going to work in a brothel where we would do sex work. He made it clear that he would receive any payment. We managed to call people back at home who sent us some money. When we told the man that we wouldn't work for him, he ordered some of the boys around to beat us up. We were told that this was to "remove the village in us and style up". We told the man "we are from the village, but we are wiser". We went to get our phones which were charging at the bar. The police saw us, arrested us and took us to the police station. The police linked us to [anti-trafficking CSO] and we were sent to the organisation's shelter house. After a day we were told to go back to the police station to provide a police statement. I am still at the shelter. The authorities would help by talking and counselling parents since in most cases parents are involved. When parents mistreat it provides opportunities for trafficking. The authorities should provide shelter for vulnerable children who are abandoned or neglected by their parents. Some travellers hide children on the bus so the police on the roads should thoroughly check each vehicle instead of just peeping at the window. The police should ask "is this your mother?" The police don't open windows, they just stay on the road. The children are threatened to be killed so it becomes hard to talk. They are coached on the responses to make. The law enforcers who abuse rescued children in their custody should be held accountable. Case Study 4 I was living with my mum and five siblings. My dad died when I was young. My mum was not able to support my studies, so I went to live with my aunt. I became pregnant and had a child. I still wanted to study. My cousin-brother arranged for me to go to Nairobi and live with him so that I could continue with my studies. They put me in a bus and my cousin communicated with the driver and directed him. I was OK and a bit excited that I would continue my education. I crossed from Uganda to Kenya through the Busia border. The officials there did not look in the bus. It felt like the border officials were involved in the trafficking. My cousin picked me from the bus stop. The story changed instead of taking me to school they took me to a house with a woman who used to stay with many girls from different places including from Tanzania and Kenya. I was 17 at that time. The man of the house had business, he used to go and return to the house and abused me sexually. I started developing some symptoms in my private parts. I started talking to a lady who was frequenting the place. The lady took me to a children's officer who was in the area where I used to work. The children's officer rescued me and took me to a safe house. The lady at the safe house took me back to 123 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING school and I started from class seven where I studied until I completed class 8 and I passed the final primary exams. She referred me to an organisation [anti-trafficking organisation]. I stayed [with this organisation] who even visited my home in Uganda and arranged for me to travel back home. The government needs to educate people about trafficking and do counselling because when you have knowledge, it is easier. The government needs to be strict on the police to apply the law. Everyone at a border must be checked especially people crossing with children. Case Study 5 I am married with four children. I was not working before being trafficked. I wanted my children to learn and study. I also wanted to support my mum because she is a widow. Someone was working with my sister and connected her to a person who helps people to travel outside Uganda. My sister asked me if I'd like to work outside Uganda and I accepted. My sister's friend had a neighbour who worked at a tours and travel company. She organised the travel documents. I was promised work as a housemaid at a rate of 800,000 USh a month. I wasn't really aware of the situation I was going into. I was just forced to sign before reading the details of what I was signing. I was told that the taxi was leaving in a hurry. Before I left home, I was told to go to a clinic for medical check-ups and paid a total of 190,000 USh for the tests. The agency paid for my passport. I took the results of the medical tests to the agency. I boarded a taxi at Kampala taxi park to Bugema university. I found a boda boda rider was waiting for me. He took me through hidden roads to Busia. I crossed with the boda boda and was stopped by the police. We went to a shop and passed over my passport. The shop attendant took the passport to immigration and then brought it back stamped together with another paper. The boda boda rider then arranged to board me into a bus to Nairobi. The bus fare had already been paid by the shop attendant at the border. I was told that if I looked confused the police would arrest us. We reached Kenya and realised that there were many others travelling too. A man sent us to different hotels. Some people in the hotels were Ugandans who had stayed for months but were also waiting to travel. Some Kenyan men were coming and asking for sex and attempted to rape. Some of the girls who had been there for long accepted because they needed money. We went to the airport the next morning. The police asked where the Ugandans were going. The guy who was responsible for us paid some money and we were allowed to pass through. I think they were involved, otherwise they would not have taken the money. It was my first time to fly so I delayed boarding and was told that I had missed the flight. I had to go back to the waiting lounge. I stayed at the airport with a colleague and did not know what to do. We called the man who was responsible for us, but he had already left the airport. He came back and picked us and took us back to the same hotel and re-booked the tickets for the following week. We stayed at the hotel for several nights then the guy took us to his home. His wife felt uncomfortable because of language barrier and did not want us in her house. He took us back to the hotel after three days. We stayed at the hotel for a day before the flight. This time different police officers identified that we were Ugandans. The man who was responsible for us gave them money and they allowed us to pass. We left all our personal items at the airport. We stopped over a Dubai on the way to Oman. We stayed in Dubai for three days without eating anything. We reached Oman almost dying. By that time there were ten girls. I had no money. If someone had left water in a bottle, I picked that up and drank. A cab was waiting at the airport and dropped me off somewhere. We met an Arab man who took me to the office. I was very hungry. He asked why I was crying. He went to bring me a soda which I took. They took me to a hotel where I slept. The next morning, they took me back to the office to wait for my boss. I was still crying because I was so hungry. The boss came and I had to sign some papers. The salary was the same as what I had been promised. The boss took me to his house. The boss asked why I was crying. He told his wife to give me food immediately. He introduced me to his family and gave me a room. When I started working, I realised that the situation would not be good. The kids started to shout at me and mistreated me, for example after I ironed clothes, they brought back all the clothes to be ironed again. They did not allow me to go back home after my contract ended. I was ok during the weekdays because the boss was around, and he was nice. But the madam started slapping and hitting me at some point when I reported mistreatment from the children. I sometimes stayed outside the house. I slept outside waiting for the boss. He organised my flight to back to Uganda. 124 FIELDWORK REPORT: AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE IMPACT ON SOCIAL INCLUSION OF HVT CORRIDORS AND POTENTIAL SOLUTIONS TO IDENTIFYING AND PREVENTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING I did not know anything about human trafficking before I went abroad. Information should be shared by the media. Not so many people have smart phones, but those that do are now more aware. The officials need to be strict on their jobs. The government should try to see how they can inform laws on traffickers because the victims have no way to communicate home. Ugandans are discriminated and paid less compared to other nationals. The police and border officials need to work closely with association of Ugandans in Oman who helped us. Case Study 6 I was living at home with my mother and other siblings (two brothers and two sisters). I was teaching English in a church school. A man who was a friend to my father heard about a company taking girls abroad. He heard that the girls would be paid 700,000 USh. I was planning to join college but decided to first make some money. We initially thought going abroad would be free, but we ended up paying around 1.5 million USh. The day the visas came, the man demanded 900,000 USh. My parents looked for money and paid. I travelled from Uganda to Kenya, then Kenya to Oman. I was somehow excited with the idea that I would get a well-paid job and was not aware that I was being trafficked. First, we travelled by bus from Isingiro to Kampala. I used a taxi from Kampala to Busia with one other girl. The man gave us contacts to call. A man took us into his house in Busia, Uganda. We spent seven hours there. Our bags were then loaded on a bicycle, and we were also put on a bicycle one at a time. The man gave us a contact on the Kenyan side of the border. We called the contact and he organised for our transport with a bus and instructed the bus driver the exact place he was to take us. The people who picked us up in Kenya were Kenyans who took us to a small room that was like a hide-out. They told us that if the police found us, they would arrest us. We had no food in that place. We exchanged the little money we had into Kenyan money so that we could buy some food. We lived there for two days before the flights were ready. Some girls had been there for a month or more. They also tested us for HIV on the second day. We met a lady who had been there for a month but could not continue with the journey because she was found to be HIV positive. A man came and took us to the airport. No-one questioned us at any point. There are Arabs at the airport who just take your passports immediately you arrive. The man took us to the office where we spent the night, they provided food. Another person who was the boss picked me and took me to her house to work. In Oman I was paid the amount I was promised but all the money was sent to my parents back at home. There was too much work with no time to rest. After I complained the boss took me to the office and fabricated stories about me that were not true. I decided not to work any longer and the office gave me back my passport and asked my boss to cater for my travel back to Uganda. I was never paid my last salary and she took all of my other items. The office arranged for a flight back to Uganda after a few days. I spent the night outside the office veranda for two nights before I could travel. I am not working at the moment. I'm living in a shelter house and learning various skills like baking, crocheting and hairdressing. There is need for increased sensitisation and education for community members especially in rural areas. The companies and agents that are involved in organising foreign work need to be regulated. Drivers need to ensure that they engage each passenger. Transport companies need to find a way to regulate the drivers to ensure their drivers follow the law. Cardno Emerging Markets (UK) Ltd. Clarendon Business Centre 42 Upper Berkeley Street Marylebone London W1H 5PW Tel: 01844 216500 Email: itt@cardno.com; ellen.rogan@cardno.com Web: www.cardno.com