TRANSPORT RESEARCH LABORATORY TITLE by Non motorised travel in Third World cities D A C Maunder and P R Fouracre / Overseas Centre Transport Research Laboratory Crowthorne Berkshire United Kingdom IA .a. -- -- PA 1200/89 MAUNDER, D A C and P R FOURACRE (1 989). Non -motorised travel in Third World cities. Institute of British Geographers' Annual conference on Managing our Environment. Coventry, 3 -6 January 1989. Non-moutorised travel in Third World cities by D A C Maunder aid P R Fouracre ABSTRACT This paper reviews material which has been collected from surveys of urban transport in cities of the Third World. It highlights the importance of non- motorised means of travel in these cities, particularly in satisfying the travel requirements of the extensive low-inccame cxmmtnities. Essentially non-motorised travel consists of walking and cycling. However, in many Souith-East Asian cities, particularly smaller provincial centres, the human-powered cycle-rickshaw is still an important ccmpnent of the public transport sector. The more historic hand-pulled rickshaws are still in use in Calcutta but elsewhere are virtually non-existent. (By contrast, hand-pulled carts for freight carriage are still widely used.) Animal powere vehicles such as bullock carts and horse-drawn vehicles (calesas, tongas, etc) are also still used in the urban environment for both passenger aid freight movement. Cycling aid walking are a major means of travel, particularly in small cities (with short journey lemfths) and amongst the urban poor. This paper examines this propo sition using evidence fran travel surveys undertaken in a numbe of Third World cities. The role and the future of the cycle-rickshaw is also briefly assessed; it too is an imotant travel mode in sane cities, and apart fran anything else provides a major source of urban employment often taken up by urban migrants. 1 2. MIH CYCIE The cycle is particularly prevalent in the Indian sub-continent and Chiina. where it is a major means of travel for the urban poor. The total number of bicycles in Chiina has now reached 220 million with ownership levels in urban centres averaging 460 per 1000 population (Cai Jun-Shi, 1988). In India in 1976 there were same 30 million cycles (49 per 1000 population) with individual cities typically having 200 per 1000 population. These data cannot be precise, but evidently reflect the right magnitudes: a household survey undertaken in three medium sized Indian cities (Fouracre and Maunder, 1987) showed that the cycle is the imost widely owned meas of transport, with over 60 per cent of households having access to at least one cycle (which implies minimum ownership levels of about 150 cycles per 1000 population). It is lik~ely that there has been real growth in the levels of ownership, though this is difficult to substantiate with hard evidence. The cycle fleet in China has probably doubled over the last ten years, reflecting average growth of 6 to 7 per cent per annumn. The cycle fleet in Delhi increased from around 650,000 to 950,000 between 1971-80, an annual rate of growth of over 4 per cent. By contrast to South East Asia, the cycle is not widely used in African cities. Surveys carried out in a nmber of smaller African cities (Jos, Dar es Salaam, Yacounde, Douala and Harare) indicate a range of 6-15% of households having acces to a cycle (Maunder and Fouracre 1987a, 1987b, Maunder and Jacobs 1988, IMaunder and Jobbins 1988). This represents an ownership level of around 20 cycles per 1000 population, little different from typical Third World car ownership levels. 2 Several reasons have been put forward to explain this difference between ownership levels in South East Asia and Africa. The absence of an extensive cycle manufacturing base in Africa may be significant: typically the cost of a cycle in an African city is between 1 to 3 time~s its cwner's personal mo~nthly income, whereas in Irnlia the cost was approximately 60 per cent of its owner's nonthly personal incame (unpublished TRRL survey material from 1979). Status may be a nxore fuidamental reason for the observed differences in owinership levels. In India the cycle still has a high status value (it is frequently given as a wedding present in lcw-incame households) whereas in African cities it is considered demeaning to be seen riding one. if this is true then attitudes would have to be changed if cycle manufacturing in Africa is to succeeed. A third reason appears to be that African cyclists perceive a high accident risk associated with cycling. There is no evidence to suggest however that their risk is any higher or lower than that of their counterparts in South Eas Asia. The importance of the cycle in Indian cities can be seen fran Table 1 which is based on a traffic survey of 14 Indian cities ranging in size frau 0.1 - 2.5 million population (CRRI, 1986). Cycles typically accocunt for between 35 -50 per cent of traffic on major corridors in these cities. In three cities (Jaipur, Yanpur and lucknow), the cycle constitutes the main cnponent of traffic. Only in the smalest cities (Mangalore and Guwahati) was the cycle cmr~nent les than 20 per cent. In actual nunmer cycle flows can be impressive: at one location in Delhi (the Jamuna Bridge) flows in excess of 7500 per hour were recorded during a TRRL survey in 1979. 3 TABIE 1 Cycle use in Irndian cities Source: Central Road research Institute, 1986 *Traffic on main arterials. The proportion of trips undertaken by cycle typically ranges from 10 to 30 per cent, the share tending to be higher in the larger cities. It is not surprisirg that many cities like Run, Karipur, Jaipur and DInckncow have been described as 'cycle cities' (CM~, 1988). As w~ould be expected of lower ownership levels, cxzuparative nrda choice data for African cities put cycle use at only 1 to 2 per cent of trips (TRRL Studies, cp. cit). 4 Proportion of Proportion of all 1981 Population cycles in traffic* trips by cycle (million) (per cent) (per cent) Ahmedabad 2.5 38 21 Owidnigarh 0.4 37 15 Coitbatore 0.9 ~ 43 13 Cuttack 0.3 35 8 Guwahati. 0.1 (1971) 14 3 Indore 0.8 37 16 Jaipur 1.0 49 32 Kanpur 1.7 48 30 Itucknawi 1.0 53 34 Ludhiana 0.6 40 23 Mangalore 0.3 10 2 Moradabad 0.4 43 25 Pune 1.7 41 16 Varanasi 0.8 33 21 Taking three medium-sized cities as a guide, the distribution of cycle ownership is fairly even over most income levels. Thi is shown in Fig 1 for the cities of Jaipur, Patna and vadodara. When it coms to use, however, it is the low-inccmie coimuters who depends on the cycle; in Delhi, as Fig. 2 shows, up to 40 per cent of their work. trips in the range 2-8 kmn are by cycle whereas the respective figure for higher income commuters is less than 10 per cent. Beyondi this distance the cycle is superceded by bus travel for rest employment trips, though the cycle is still used by some. The average cycle trip length for work pirposes in Delhi was 7.6 km (Maurnder, 1984). As might be expected, the average journey ler~t by cycle in smaller Irdiian cities is less, being about 3 km in Jaipur, Patna and Vadodara, (FOuracre anxi Maunder, 1987). As cities ex~an in size (area) there will be a shift towards the use of mechanical means of travel and away fram walking and cyclinxg. There is same evidence that this is happening in one- of the world's largest cycle cities, New Delhi, though the shift is also being influenced by increasing affluence which is generating growth in motor-cycle and mope ownership, especially in the middle-inccmie community. Despite the importance of the cycle in Chiina, India and South East Asia little has been done to improve the travel conditions of the cyclist. Some modern cities (New Delhi aid Chiandigarh) have provided cycle lanes, but these are the exceptions. The Maharashtra State Planning Agency developed plans for an extensive cycle network in Pune, but imp~lementation has been tardy with only a few measures implemented here and there. The total cost of the network was estimated at Rs15O million (£10m - Cmi, 1980), which is perhaps the main deterrent to implementation. 5 Cyclists inevitably seem to endure a poor safety record. A study in Delhi (unpublished TRRL material) showied that cyclists incurred almost 30 per cent of road fatalities and that cycles were involved in a similar proportion of fatal accidents. Along main corridors cycles make up about 20 per cent of road traffic in Delhi, but in terms of total travel samething like 40 per cent of vehicle kmn is by cycle. 3. WALKEN Walking accounts for between 35-40 per cent of total trips made daily in a selection of Indian cities, and 20-40 per cent in a selection of African cities (see Table 2). TABLE 2 Walk trips in selected cities Population Proportion of all Av.walking distance (kmn) (million) trips by walk Jaipur 1.0* 39 1.2 Vadodara 0.7* 40 1.2 Patna 0.9* 36 1.3 Delhi 6.1* 40 1.1 Dar Es Salaam 1.5** 25 1.7 Joe 0.4*** 23 1.2 Douala 1.1** 281.2 Yaoundle O.8** 30 1.7 Harare 1.3** 42 1.6 Source: TRR survey material, 1983-88. Note *Census of India 1981 **1987 estimate **1986 estimate 6 .The trip rates in all these cities are roughly similar (in the range 1.5 to 2. 0 trips per capita per day). Thus the generally lower propensity to walk in African cities, despite the lower cycle ownership, cannot be accounted for by differences in demand for travel. Inhabitants of African cities seem to have greater access to personal vehicles, as well as making more use of public transport. Even so, walking is still an iirportant means of conmiting in African cities as witnessed by the dense flows of pedestrians froxn outlying townships and suburbs to the city centres of Dar Es Salaam, Harare, Nairobi, Ikinbassa, DIsaka, etc. Furthermore, in many African cities walking is more popular at different tines of the mo~nth, ie towards the middle and end when inviduals run short of mo~ney and hence cannot afford to use public transport. Average walking trip distances are between 1-2 km and there is saie evidence that it is the low irncm~ residents who make more walk trips and walk further. Table 3 shows data on the walk share of trip making by incane group for three Indian cities. TABLE 3 Proportion of all trips, for given household irccme groups, made on foot Incaie group low middle Ihigh Vadodara 58 40 24 Jaipur 47 39 I 27 Patrna 58 40 23 .Source: Fouracre and Maunder, 1987 A far highe proportion of trips made by low-incomre travellers are on foot, as ccitare to both the other groups. This is also seen in Delhi 7 (Fig 2). For any given work journey distance the 1cw-incamie commruter is more likely than his high inccme counterpart to walk. Fuarthermrore, some low-inceme ccumuxters walk up to 7 km. Perhaps not surprisingly walking is the main means of travel to school and other educational premises. Table 4 shows data for walk trips by main trip purpose for three Indian cities. TABLE 4 Proportion of all trips for given journey purpose made on foot Education Employment Social Vadodara 57 30 40 Jaipur 59 19 39 I iPatna 45 31 28 As with cyclists, the pedestrian is given very poor facilities. The road itself is often the only direct footpath, which creates conflict with motorised traffic. Conflict also occurs at crossings, and pedestrians feature significantly in casualty and fatality figures. An analysis of somie road accident reports in Bangkok showed that about 75 per cent of pedestrian accidents occurred on pedestrian crossings, comipared to 5 per cent in built-up areas of the UK. Drivers in developin countries are much less prepared to stop for pedestrians on crossings (even where it is a legal requirement), and the significant delays caused to pedestrians, together with less awareness of the risks may be the cause of the high non-complianoe by pedestrians in their use of crossings. In Bangkok and Surabaya more than 50 per cent of 8 pedestrians on average chose to cross in the area 45Th either side of crossings ccwfpar to only 11 per cent at sites studied in UK (Jacobs et al, 1981). Table 5 gives pedestrian casualty data for a selection of Third World cities. TABIE 5 Pedestrian casualties as a percentage. of total road-based casualties Addis Ababa (1982) 80 Amman (1981) 66 I BomTbay (1979) 68 col~mb (1980) 58 Delhi (1983) I36 Karachi (1981) 44 Urban areas of UK (1982) ( 24 Source: Jacobs and Sayer 1984 In many of these cities the proportion of pedestrian casualties is significantly higher than in UK cities. Evidently there are likely to be more pedestrians, but there are other factors in play; apart from the inadequacy of pedestrians facilities, nany pedestrians are not sufficiently educated in an awareness of the dangers of traffic. A study of children's behaviour at road crossings in some Third World cities indicated that their poor approach to the use of crossings was partly related to a lack of previously acquired advice and knoledge (Downing and Sayer, 1982). Some cities have introduced measures to ixrprove pedestrian safety by the iim1ementation of pedestrian precincts, signal controlled pedestrian crossings, bridges, underpasses and walkways. But these are sometimes poorly 9 managed and maintained and there is much to be done to im~prove pedestrian conditions generally. Equally, pedestrians mus be educated in the proper use of these facilities. Recent research in Bangkok has denonstrated that pedestrian ccmlpliance with crossing regulations is good only where roads are wide, where traffic is significant but uncongested and where 'artificial' delays iirposed by signals and police officers are absent (JMP Consultants, 1988). 4. NON~-+E11RISED PUBLIC TRANSPORI The main mode in this category, the cycle rickshaw, is still very iitportant in the contribution it makes to public transport provision in many South East Asian cities. These vehicles are generally used to provide taxi- like services for up to two passengers (though in same cases, particularly where children are concerned, many more). The number in use in a city is often quyite difficult to establish because of the way that registration is effected, and because of the presence of illegal operators. Table 6 presents some estimates of cycle rickshaw provision in selected cities over a number of years. 10 TABIE 6 Cycle rickshaw provision in selected cities. Sources: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Fouracre and M~aunder 1976 School of Planning and Architecture 1978 Meier 1978 Fouracre and Maunder 1977 Thminas 1977 Vadivelu. 1986 Fouracre and Maurxier 1987 Attitudes to cycle rickshaws on the part of city authorities vary even within a cou~nt~ry. In India, Maharastra State has banned them whereas in the populous (and less wealthy) northern states of Uttar Pradash and Bihar they are often the main means of urban public transport. Table 7 shows that in sare of these northern cities (Kanpur, Lucknaw and Varanasi) around 20 per cent of all trips are undertaken by cycle-rickshaw. 11 Nuse/lOQO popuilation hieng Mai (1) 20 Faridabad (2) 19 !Aenit (2) 18 Penang (3) 6 Surabaya (4) 15 Calcutta (.5) 1 Delhi (2) 1 Madurai (6) 9 Patna (7) 39 Jaipur (7) 7 .TABLE 7 Proportion of all trips by cycle-rickshaw in selected Indian cities Source: CMR, 1986 Note * Main corridors Each individual rickshaw handles perhaps 20 passengers in a day (Fouracre and Maunder, 1987, Vadivelu, 1988). Their significant role ccmes from the sheer nuirters in use, rather than the indlividual output. Average journey distances in rickshaws are short, in the range 1-4 km. There is saie evidence that higher inccme users travel further than low-income users, and that the former also make more use (trips per capita) of the vehicle (Fouracre and Maunder, 1987). These differences in use are probably attributable to the cost of its use: the average fare is considerably greater than that for an equivalent journey by stage-bus. Vadivelu (1988) estimates that in Madurai the fare per passenger km by a rickshaw is ten times that by a bus. 12 Proportion of cycle- Proortion of all trips rickshaws in traffic* by cycle-rickshaw Chandigath 10 4 Cuttack 18 6 Guwahati 12 4 Jaipur 12 9 Kanpur 17 19 tucknow 16 19 Ludhiana 15 7 Moradabad 22 18 Varanasi 22 20 All types of non-imaorised public transport are labour intensive and provide significant eznploynent where they are used in large rimmber. It is prnbably inevitable that their role will diminish with increasing city size (the increased journey lerxgths requiring motorise travel) and with increasing affluence. 5. SUMMARY Over the last twenty years or so, cities of the Third World have been growing extremely rapidly both in terms of population and area. Needless to say this high growth rate is forecast to continue well into the foreseeable future. The matching growing deo~d for increased accss and nobility are imposing severe strains on the already overloaded public transport systems. Unlike cities in the West, (residents of) cities in developing countries still rely heavily on non-movtorised forms of transport. Indeed, in virtually all Asian cities, the majority of trips are undertaken by nonw-motorised reans of travel. Conversely, in African cities lower cycle ownesip levels, and a lower propensity to walk are reflected in lower, but still substantial, use of non-ma~torised travel. Despite the inportance- of these modes of travel little has been done to improve the travel conditions for those men~ne of the community who are heavily dependent on their use. Because the cwmiting cyclist and walker tends to cxome from the lower-inccme ccmunity, and because they bear little or 13 no taxation they tend to be ignored when traffic and transport planning issues are being decided. Thus in the past transport policy issues have centred on improving car speeds, perhaps to the detriment of the non-mo~torised traveller. Attitudes are changing and certainly nxre attention is nxw given to improving public transport performance throg traffic management techniques. Similarly a mnajor problem in introducing real-time area traffic control to Beijing has been the need to adapt the system to the presence of vast numbers of cycles in the network. It is seen as a requirement to acccamodate cyclists in traffic management developments rather than to try to ignore or restrain them. However major policy issues concerning lard-use planning, the location of eiployment centres, schools etc which improve the mo~bility of people obliged to walk and cycle long distances are rarely in evidence. 6. ACMWEMENTS~ The work described in this paper forms part of the progranmme of the Urban Traffic and Transport Section of the Overseas Unit (Unit Head: J S Yerrell) of the Transport and Road Researh Laboratory, Crowthorne, Berkshire R11l 6AU, and is published by permission of the Director. 7. REFERENCES CAI JUN-SHI (1988) Public transport in Chiina. UITP Singapore Conference: City Transport in Asia, UITP. Central Institute of Road Transport (1988). Report on energy implications in urban transport. Central Institute of Road Transport Pune, India. 14 ---- Central Road Research Institute (1986) Traffic and transport flows for selected cities in India. Central Road Research Institute, New Delhi, India. Delhi Development Authority (1982) Delhi 2001. 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Calcutta Irxiia. February. VADIVELV S (1988) A study of urban public transport in Madurai city. Do~ctoral thesis, Madurai Kamaraj University, Tamil Nadu India. Unpublished. Crown Copyright: Extracts fran the text may be reproduced, except for ccamnercial purposes, provided the sou.rce is acknxwledged. 17 80 C,o0 a) ..- CD cc.,)0,U (CL 60 40 20 0 100 c 80 .cc ac Cl C Um c 60 a-c-C . t 40 1000 2000 3000 Monthly household income (Rs) Fig. 1 The relationship between cycle ownership and income in Jaipur, Patna and Vadodara 4000 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 Journey distance (km) Fig. 2 Proportion of all employment trips undertaken by cycle and on foot by distance travelled in Delhi Transport and Road Research LaboratoryPA16./ PA 1668.112